法官职业化、精英化与我国法官培训教育机制改革

一个法官要公平正义地适用法律,职业化、精英化是必不可少的务件;而实现法官的职业化、精英化,又必然需要一个相对健全的法官教育培训机制.我国当前的法官培训教育机制还远远不能满足法官职业化、精英化的要求.在法官培训教育机制改革方面,我国要在立足本国国情的基础上,适当借鉴国外的先进经验.我国法官的教育培训机制改革应具体包括法官培训教育机构设置合理化、教育培训课程设置合理化和教育培训教师配置合理化等方面的改革和完善.     

African American Adolescents' Perceptions of Family Interactions: Kinship Support,Parent–Child Relationships,and Teen Adjustment

This study examined perceived kinship support and parenting practices for 158 African American adolescents in the 9th and 10th grades. Kinship support showed direct associations with teen outcomes that, for work orientation and school orientation, were partially mediated by parenting practices. With a few exceptions, kinship support was positively associated with youth adjustment for teens from single-parent and 2-parent homes, teens with college educated and less educated parents, and for girls and boys. Both kinship support and maternal warmth predicted self-reliance, work orientation, and school orientation. Kinship support was the primary predictor of ethnic identity.     

Sharing the burden in a free riders’ land: The EU migration and asylum policy in the views of public opinion and politicians

New divisions have emerged within the European Union over the handling of the recent migration crisis. While both frontline and favoured destination countries are called upon to deal with the number of migrants looking for international protection and better living conditions, no consensus has been reached yet on the quota-based mechanisms for the relocation of refugees and financial help to exposed countries proposed by the EU. Such mechanisms pose a trade-off for member states: the EU's response to the crisis offers help to countries under pressure, but it inevitably requires burden-sharing among all EU members and a limitation of their national sovereignty. Within this scenario, the article compares how public opinion and political elites in ten different EU countries view a common EU migration policy grounded on solidarity and burden-sharing. By tracing both within- and cross-national patterns of convergence (and divergence), the article shows that contextual factors influence policy preferences, with support for solidarity measures being stronger in countries with higher shares of illegal migrants and asylum seekers. While individuals’ predispositions, identity and ideological orientations account for both masses’ and elites’ attitudes towards burden-sharing measures, subjective evaluations and beliefs concerning the severity of the crisis provide additional and alternative explanations when looking at the public's preferences. In particular, it is found that concern about the flow of migrants to Europe consolidates the impact of contextual factors, whereas the overestimation of the immigrant population fosters hostility against solidarity measures, with both effects more pronounced as the country's exposure to the crisis increases. In the light of these results, the main implication of this study is that EU institutions have to primarily address entrenched beliefs and misperceptions about immigrants to enhance public support for a joint approach to migration.     

Undermining,defusing or defending European integration? Assessing public communication of European executives in times of EU politicisation

How do mainstream political executives cue their politicised constituencies on European integration? Moving beyond static expectations that EU politicisation induces executives to either undermine, defuse or defend integration, this article theorises executives’ incentives under different configurations of public and partisan Euroscepticism in their home countries. Expectations are tested on the sentiment and complexity that executives attach to European integration in almost 9,000 public speeches delivered throughout the Euro Crisis. It is found that national leaders faced with sceptical public opinion and low levels of partisan Euroscepticism rhetorically undermine integration, whereas European Commissioners faced with similar conditions are prone to defend it. These responses intensify disproportionally with growing public Euroscepticism, but are moderated by Eurosceptic party strength in surprising ways. When such challenger parties come closer to absorbing the Eurosceptic potential in public opinion, executive communication turns more positive again but also involves less clear rhetorical signals. These findings move beyond existing uniform expectations on mainstream responses to Eurosceptic challenges and highlight the relevance of different domestic configurations of EU politicisation.     

Chapter 11: Therapeutic Foster Parent:

Training can help foster parents manage reactions to the foster child, avoid stress and burnout, and cope with the difficult times so that placement is sustained. Training is necessary so foster parents will not take the child's aggressive behavior personally, will avoid becoming embroiled in power struggles, and will be less likely to become hurt or embarrassed by the child's behavior. Training will involve individual consultation by the social worker as well as participation in a foster parent group. Staff will assistn foster parents to develop behavioral management and communication skills as well as their own coping and self-control skills. Foster parents are given permission to take care of their own needs, are assisted in developing stress management skills, learn how to increase their own self-esteem, and learn to use cognitive approaches to handle their own emotions. Foster parents develop an understanding that they cannot change the child's behavior but can only change the way which they respond to the child, which may provide the child opportunities to change his or her own behavior.     

Inclusive ideologies and passive performances: exploring masculinities and attitudes toward gay peers among boys in an elite youth football academy

Abstract

Drawing on data generated from semi-structured, one-to-one interviews in 2012, this article focuses on the attitudinal disposition toward homosexuality of 12 English academy level football players aged 14–15. Results highlight the presence of progressive attitudes toward homosexuality even though some of the youth feel they lack the agency to contest homophobia when espoused in their schools. Using a blend of two dominating masculinities theories, we use these interviews to highlight that boys in this setting are best understood as a complex imbrication of inclusivity yet socially-passive acceptance. We suggest that boys of this age are now primed for learning agency to contest the social marginalization of others.     

Adolescents’ Reports of Parental Engagement and Academic Achievement in Immigrant Families

The purpose of this study was to add to the understanding of the effects of perceived parental engagement on adolescents’ academic achievement in immigrant families. Self-report data were collected from 1,245 adolescents in immigrant families from four high schools in Los Angeles County. The sample characteristics follow: 13–16 years old (M = 14.5); 58.9% female, 41.1% male; 57.5% Latino; 40.6% 1st generation youth (i.e., foreign born), 59.4% 2nd generation youth. After controlling for parental educational attainment, parental engagement variables were indirectly related to grades through youths’ academic engagement. Multigroup SEM indicated some differences between genders, generational statuses, and ethnicities (Latinos versus others). Adolescents’ perceptions of monitoring by mothers and fathers were indirectly related to grades through academic engagement. Perceived educational advice by mothers was indirectly related to grades through academic engagement for non-Latinos, boys, and 2nd generation youth. Perceived mothers’ schoolwork help was positively related to adolescents’ academic engagement in all the models (except 2nd generation youth), yet fathers’ schoolwork help was significant only for girls and 2nd generation youth.

论牛津大学的办学特色

作为一所“英国最具创新力的大学”和培养精英的世界名校,牛津大学坚持以培养全面发展的绅士为人才培养目标,并通过学院制、导师制、别具特色的专业设置、多样化的课程体系、丰富多彩的课外活动,促进人才培养目标的实现,始终保持着勃勃生机和强大的吸引力,对英国乃至世界和人类历史都产生了重大影响。     

FAMILY CARE COMMITMENT DISCRIMINATION: BRIDGING THE GAP BETWEEN WORK AND FAMILY

This Note discusses the pervasive problem of employment discrimination based on family responsibilities, or family care commitment discrimination. Employees with family care commitments often find themselves being pulled in opposing directions—between work and family. When an employee is forced to choose work, for financial reasons, over family, his or her family ends up suffering. The current state and federal statutes aimed at employment discrimination are insufficient to deal with family care commitment discrimination. This Note proposes a change to the current legislation and explains how this change will protect employees and families, while causing employers to internalize externalities by adopting more family‐friendly policies.     

后苏联空间国家的政治-法律设计--从后苏联空间政权合法化到国家规划探索

苏联解体后,在后苏联空间国家突然拥有国家主权的条件下,新政治精英需要建立一个新的政治-法律空间。对这些国家而言,设计与现实相适应的政治-法律制度、建立稳定的国家体制、制定和实施有效的国家政策的过程过于拖延,前景令人质疑,而且即将面临政治代际更替的全新挑战。后苏联空间非常复杂,但也因此是研究和政治设计的重要地区。20多年的实践表明,不应期待后苏联空间的快速转型。大多数后苏联空间国家未完成国家建设和制度建设,这使形势复杂化,可能导致巨大的变数,包括冲突和诉诸武力。但是,外部环境仍逼迫变革。对于后苏联空间国家而言,变革具有政治理性化和政治制度形式化的目的,包括以法律形式固定政治制度和强制政治设计者更多地在正式法律范围内行事,而达到上述目的的选择包括革命性变革或自上而下的革命。