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791.
沈光 《山西省政法管理干部学院学报》2013,(1):63-66
对假冒他人署名的定性问题有"署名权说",但该说忽视了著作权依作品的创作而产生的原理。基于被冒名者的姓名被他人擅自利用的事实,应认定冒名行为侵害了被冒名者的姓名权。假冒他人署名往往还会侵害权利人的名誉权,也可能构成不正当竞争行为。 相似文献
792.
Keren Tenenboim-Weinblatt 《政治交往》2013,30(4):582-601
This article proceeds from the assumption that entertainment texts—particularly controversial ones—function in a broad intertextual field and that their political significance does not lie solely in their value as stand-alone texts, or in their direct influence on political knowledge, attitudes, opinions, and behaviors, but in their ability to instigate politically relevant discussions in other media venues. Focusing on the mediated discourse surrounding two controversial U.S. docudramas, The Reagans and The Path to 9/11, this study examines the political qualities of the public discourse surrounding these docudramas in the U.S. news media and investigates which factors were significant predictors of political substance in this discourse. Based on a distinction between “issue substance” and “media substance” as the two major types of political substance that emerge in the discourse surrounding controversial texts, the analysis demonstrates how these types of political substance varied across the two docudramas and across various dimensions of the discourse, among them the time in which the discussion took place. The analytical framework presented in this article is offered as a platform for future examinations of the contribution of media-centered political scandals to public discourse, the conditions under which entertainment texts spur substantive political discussions, and the complex interactions between journalism, entertainment, and politics in contemporary media environments. 相似文献
793.
曾文远 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2013,12(3):14-17
《戒毒条例》将自愿戒毒单独列为一章,使其成为我国的一项基本戒毒制度。但关于自愿戒毒,《戒毒条例》并不是简单地对《禁毒法》的相应规定进行细化,而是存在着严重的规范并用和冲突现象。只有对我国自愿戒毒的法律定位予以科学把握,才能发现和解决其在制度设计的相应问题。要从自愿戒毒的基本立场,即保护戒毒者的权利出发,推动我国自愿戒毒工作的开展,就必须进行相应的制度创新。一是将自愿戒毒作为首选性戒毒制度;二是加强戒毒医疗机构建设;三是推进戒毒药物维持治疗。 相似文献
794.
Careful users of CMP party position data should take the uncertainty of position estimates into account. We compare and evaluate two current approaches that provide error estimates for party positions. Researchers of the CMP group identify measurement error in quantitative content analysis as the cause of uncertainty about position estimates, whereas a second approach by Benoit et al. (2009) attributes the uncertainty of position estimates to a stochastic generation of election programs. We illustrate the commonalities and differences of these approaches and provide two empirical applications, the identification of the left–right order of parties and of policy shifts by parties, using CMP data for 25 countries. Despite conceptual differences, results in these applications are surprisingly similar. 相似文献
795.
Gian Paolo Casadio 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2013,48(1):18-24
The Greek election of May 2012 failed to produce a government, resulting in repeat elections six weeks later. This shock outcome was a symptom of a broader delegitimation of the national political system. Over the past decade Eurobarometer data show a much more extensive loss of confidence in political institutions in Greece than in the European Union as a whole. In a first phase, rising political discontent was managed within the traditional political framework through alternation in power between the two major parties. In contrast, the second phase, following the outbreak of the Greek sovereign debt crisis, led to the dramatic fragmentation of the party system and changed the mode of government formation. This process is not reversible and entails serious democratic dangers. 相似文献
796.
政府信息公开救济制度研究 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
政府信息公开制度的构建意在保障公民知情权,建设服务型政府。救济制度不仅是政府信息公开制度实施的保障,而且是政府信息公开法律体系中不可缺少的一部分。本文主要从研究政府信息公开救济制度的理论基础入手,针对我国目前政府信息公开救济制度的现状,借鉴国外政府信息公开救济制度,提出了构建和完善我国政府信息公开法律救济制度的立法建议。 相似文献
797.
美国有联邦监听法律法规,但各州也根据自己的立法权制定了一些本州的监听法。宪法虽然为美国人权、隐私权提供了有效的保护伞,但自9.11以后,《美国爱国者法案》赋予了美国总统特权,监听扩权问题甚嚣尘上。但联邦层面上对监听问题的监督相对完善,对此的介绍也频见报端,但对各州监听立法的研究却鲜有所见。文章比较详尽地介绍了美国各州的监听立法情况,披露了各州监听立法的内容、执法程序、监督机制等等都不尽如人意,权力监督不力、滥用情况比较普遍,以资我国监听立法借鉴。 相似文献
798.
Farid Hafez 《Patterns of Prejudice》2014,48(5):479-499
ABSTRACTIn recent years, Islamophobia has become a useful tool for right-wing parties to mobilize electors in many European nation-states. The general xenophobic campaigns of the 1980s have given way to Islamophobia as a specific expression of racism. It is not only the new incarnations of right-wing populist parties that are making use of Islamophobic populism, but also right-wing extremist parties, whose traditions hark back to fascist or Nazi parties. This development appears unsurprising, as Islamophobia has somehow become a kind of ‘accepted racism’, found not only on the margins of European societies but also at the centre. Another interesting concomitant shift is the attempt by such parties to gain wider acceptance in mainstream societies by distancing themselves from a former antisemitic profile. While the main focus on an exclusive identity politics in the frame of nation-states previously divided the far right and complicated transnational cooperation, a shared Islamophobia has the potential to be a common ground for strengthening the transnational links of right-wing parties. This shift from antisemitism to Islamophobia goes beyond European borders and enables Europe's far right to connect to Israeli parties and the far right in the United States. Hafez's article explores this thesis by analysing the European Alliance for Freedom, a pan-European alliance of far-right members of the European parliament that has brought various formerly antagonistic parties together through a common anti-Muslim programme, and is trying to become a formal European parliamentary fraction in the wake of its victory in the European elections in May 2014. 相似文献
799.
CHRIS ALLEN 《The Political quarterly》2014,85(3):354-361
The British National Party and English Defence League forged new frontiers in British political spaces in relation to anti‐Islam, anti‐Muslim ideologies. Whereas the former sought to do so in formal political arenas, the latter did so as a street‐level movement. With the subsequent waning of both, Britain First has emerged seemingly to fill the political void they left. In many ways, Britain First combines the strategies and actions of the parties that preceded it, at both the formal and street levels. This article considers what is known about Britain First, about its history, development and its ideology, and how this is manifested in terms of its political strategies and actions. This includes such activities as standing for European elections and also undertaking ‘Christian patrols’ and mosque ‘invasions’. The article considers how Britain First, while having some similarities with the BNP and EDL, is more confrontational and militaristic and is informed by apocalyptic Christianity. 相似文献
800.
由于历史和现实的原因,造成了我国工会组织的行政化、工作内容的娱乐化、工会立场的中间性、代表权利来源和责任机制的虚无化等一系列问题,导致工会的维权作用受到很大削弱。我国工会的发展道路,应是在坚持党的政治领导和社会主义方向的前提下朝着社会化的方向发展。要通过深化改革强化工会的代表性和相对独立性,通过完善法律将维护会员的合法权益作为工会的首要职能,从而加强工会的责任意识。只有这样,才能适应我国当前经济转型、体制转轨时期劳动纠纷多发、群体性事件增多,必须创新社会管理、建立稳定和谐的劳动关系的迫切需要。 相似文献