法学视野下的人工器官产品研究

随着生物材料技术、免疫抑制技术、转基因和克隆工程的发展，人工器官正逐渐通过实验研究进入临床应用阶段，为解决器官捐献人不足开辟了新途径。受法律调整的人工器官应当包括人工材料制成的医疗设备和装置、利用干细胞技术培育的人工器官和组织、被敲除与人血不相容的动物DNA片段的动物器官和组织。人工器官与生命伦理密切相关，其造成的损害具有特殊性。警示、召回是人工器官缺陷的主要补救措施。人工器官分配除了应当考虑相对成功率、预期寿命和家庭角色，还应当考虑拟植入候选人的过去服务，以便体现公正原则。     

我国网络环境下儿童性权益保障的缺失及对策探讨

随着互联网的迅速发展,儿童已成为我国网络使用的重要群体。网络作为一种新的社会因素,对儿童成长的影响逐渐凸显。儿童在上网过程中,网络环境中充斥的淫秽、色情等不良有害信息以及某些网络违法者对儿童实施的性骚扰及性侵害等行为严重侵害了儿童的性权益。近几年来,网络环境下侵犯儿童性权益的案件频繁发生,如何有效的预防和制止这类犯罪,在复杂的网络环境中减少侵犯儿童性权益的犯罪行为,是我国目前应重视的问题。通过提出网络环境下儿童性权益受到侵害的现状,探析网络环境下儿童性权益被侵害的原因,进而提出网络环境下儿童性权益保护的对策,通过完善我国目前的法律法规,加强对儿童网络安全的管理,加强学校和父母对儿童的性教育与网络安全教育等相关措施,净化网络环境,保护网络环境下儿童性权益,保障儿童的健康成长。     

环境保护信托--环保资本运营的新亮点

环保信托是环保资本运营的新亮点。将环保与信托两者有机地结合起来,环保市场可以得到信托业的大力支持和严格规范,从而保证其良性发展。这主要因为信托具有提高环保资本运营效率的功能。环保信托的创设主要是利用信托的增值功能、保全功能、融资功能和避税功能。     

论环境责任保险对侵权法之影响

侵权法的局限性催生了环境责任保险,而传统侵权理论对环境责任保险正当性的质疑是站不住脚的,它阻碍了环境责任保险的发展.事实上,环境责任保险制度把环境民事责任与合同契约责任有机联系起来,弥补了侵权行为法在环境侵权领域的局限性,适应了时代发展的要求,不仅不违反道德规范,不会导致个人责任没落,反而突破了传统侵权理论的桎梏,强化了侵权法的补偿功能,促进了无过错责任原则的发展,扩大了侵权责任的范围和领域,有助于近代侵权法向现代侵权法过渡,对侵权行为法具有积极影响.     

民族地区生态补偿机制研究

民族地区生态补偿机制是一项关系到我国民族地区生态保护和建设成败的系统工程。从法律制度上解决民族地区生态补偿机制理论现实根据、核心内容和实现保障,是有效建立和实施民族地区生态补偿机制的紧迫任务。民族地区生态补偿机制的现实根据是实现民族地区在缓解贫困中对日益恶化的生态环境进行保护和恢复;民族地区生态补偿机制的理论根据是环境建设和保护正外部性的内部化原理。民族地区生态补偿机制的构成可以设计为静态框架结构和动态实现安排两大部分。     

岷江上游地区晚全新世以来环境变迁与民族迁移

人类社会发展的历史进程中必然伴随不同规模的人口迁移现象。对这一现象的产生一般从政治、经济、战争、饥荒等角度加以解释,而环境因素的作用一直被大多数研究者所忽视。本文以岷江上游多民族分布地区为例,分别论述岷江上游地区晚全新世以来环境变化和民族迁移的历史,并由此探讨环境变迁与民族迁移的耦合关系。研究表明,环境变迁对岷江上游地区民族迁入的影响主要包括两个方面:一方面是向干旱寒冷气候的变化迫使当地民族向气候适宜地区迁移,另一方面是由于气候的突变引起的洪涝灾害以及资源缺乏等使农业生产力降低,从而促使社会动乱并导致民族迁移。     

从唯物史观视野探析生态危机形成的根源

人类面临生态危机已成为共识,而全球生态环境的恶化仍在继续;究其原因,有人主张是“人类中心主义”。然而,形成生态危机的原因错综复杂,不能简单地归咎于“人类中心主义”。用马克思主义唯物史观分析,生态危机的形成与生产力、生产关系(经济基础)乃至上层建筑都有关系。     

WTO体制下的贸易与环境若干问题评析--基于GATS与环境服务贸易的视角

环境服务谈判纳入GATS之中以及由此带来的法律适用上的冲突,从一个侧面折射出多边贸易体制下贸易与环境问题的复杂性.平衡与协调贸易与环境问题的难度与多边谈判的曲折,使许多问题已超出WTO体制的承载,通过对环境服务贸易在GATS协定中的法律适用的分析,反映出在WTO体制下处理好贸易与环境议题,尚需在理论与实践上作出进一步的探讨与努力.     

Political Candidates and the Energy Issue: Nuclear Power Position and Electoral Success

Members of parliament are key actors for the implementation of energy transitions, such as phasing out nuclear power. Before legislators can cast their maybe decisive vote in parliament, they need to run for office and actively strive for election. This paper assesses what political candidates oppose renewable energy transitions and questions whether the energy issue matters in national elections, and thus has consequences for the implementation of new sustainable energy sources. We analyze these questions by first describing the specific characteristics of political candidates. The paper then evaluates the relevance of the energy issue for electoral success in three national elections in Switzerland (2007, 2012, and 2015). Based on candidate data from the voting advice application smartvote.ch, we find that female candidates support ETs more than men do; that especially the French‐speaking part of the country is more in favor of a nuclear phase‐out, and that younger candidates are also more open toward restructuring the energy system than older candidates are. Our models further show that the energy issue does not matter in elections, independently from its salience in the respective election campaigns. Candidates are thus relatively free to choose their position on the issue and do not have to fear consequences at the ballot. However, candidates of center parties, in contrast to the pole parties, are sensitive to the energy issue and reflect public mood in their positions.     

Making a Place for Alternative Technologies: The Case of Agricultural Bio‐Inputs in Argentina

This article characterizes the ways in which the actors in charge of designing and implementing public policies intervene to promote the emergence of alternatives to problematic technologies. It is based on a case study conducted in Argentina that focuses on initiatives to promote the development of biological agricultural inputs in the context of increasingly controversial chemical inputs. The study spotlights the political, institutional, and semantic efforts made by policy makers and public administrations to ensure these new inputs find their way into organizations and onto their agendas. Their work consists in attenuating the boundaries between chemical and biological inputs, and reducing opposition by creating categories and organizations that downplay potential dissension and highlight the possible coexistence of technological paradigms. Contrary to what the injunctions of technological substitution suggest, we show that putting alternative technologies on the public agenda depends largely on their inclusion in institutional and regulatory infrastructures originally designed for technologies that are likely to decline. More broadly, it relies on the construction of continuity between the two types of technologies.