The Woman Victim in a Country in Crisis: A Reading of Tagwira's The Uncertainty of Hope

The article is based on my reading of Valerie Tagwira’s The Uncertainty of Hope as a feminist text that portrays female victimhood in the context of a failing postcolonial state. Tagwira writes about the experiences of a woman against the background of Murambatsvina, officially termed ‘‘Operation Clean Up.’’ The Zimbabwean Operation Clean Up of 2005 was condemned worldwide; and in her novel, Tagwira gives an often-ignored dimension of a woman’s experience of it, in the general context of a country facing serious political, economic and social challenges. For Tagwira, the challenges faced by Onai, as well as those around her, do not have links to their racial identities. Thus, Tagwira redefines the enemyvictim trope of the Third Chimurenga by subverting the state’s interpretation of the struggle discourse of the Third Chimurenga. In the state’s discourse, the victim trope is racial, the state enemy is the former colonial master (in support of the opposition political party) and the victim is the previously colonised black. In my analysis, I have used Susan Wendell’s theory on oppression and victimisation as contained in her article Oppression and Victimization: Choice and Responsibility (1990).     

浅议不可量物侵害

不可量物侵害是民法上的一个重要概念,我国《物权法》首次规定了这一制度.文章研究了不可量物侵害的性质和各国的立法模式,评价了我国《物权法》相关规定的优缺点,并探究了容忍义务的理论基础,最后阐明了不可量物侵害与环境污染之间的关系.     

论法律现代性危机的解决理论

在晚期资本主义时期,出现了法律的现代性危机.它一方面是现代资本主义发生危机的一种理论上的反映,同时也是对即将来临的信息社会、后现代社会的一种观念上的建构.面对法律现代性出现的危机,西方法律学者们从不同的关注点出发,提出不同的解决办法.而西方出现的法律现代性危机对我国的法制现代化进程同样具有重要的启示意义,如何在法制现代化进程中避免法律的现代性危机,开辟一条适合中国的法制之路,是每个中国法律学者都不能不思考的现实问题.     

论苏联解体后的“核遗产”及核扩散危机

苏联解体后其庞大的核武库也一分为四,在核武器系统、核材料、核科学家及核技术等三个层次都出现了失控的核扩散危机。以美国为首的国际社会从各个方面给予了大力援助,使前苏联庞大的"核遗产"得到了妥善的处理。因苏联解体而一度出现的核国家增多的问题得以解决,核扩散危机也基本得到消除。这不仅有效地捍卫了国际核不扩散体制,而且在实践上也是对国际核不扩散机制的补充和发展,对人类社会的和平与安全也是重大的贡献。当朝鲜和伊朗核问题屡成危机而长期困扰国际社会时,我们重温这段历史,也具有深刻的现实意义。     

论我国农业环境资源保护立法的健全与完善

我国农业环境保护立法留下了计划经济体制的深刻烙印 ,健全和完善立法不仅必要 ,而且十分迫切。农业环境保护法应当确立正确的农业环境资源保护的基本法律原则 ,完善农业环境资源保护的基本法律制度和措施 ,完善农业环境资源保护法律法规体系。     

试论环保产业在推动延边跨越式发展中的战略地位

环保产业是适应环境保护需求而发展起来的新兴产业,是未来经济发展中最具潜力的新的经济增长点之一。延边要实现跨越式发展,必须重视环保产业。     

精神文明建设与环境保护

环境保护的成败直接关系到社会主义现代化建设的成败.加强社会主义精神文明建设,是保护环境、实现可持续发展战略的根本途径.这不仅要充分认识精神文明建设对环境保护的重要作用,尤其应坚持以人为本,实现社会文明;还应从环境的角度,拓展精神文明建设的新思路,把道德建设放在突出位置.     

金融业是“社会经济”发展的“主导力量”

我国参加“WTO”以后 ,对我国冲击最大的应是金融业。我国金融业市场化程度最低 ,但它又在经济社会发展中作用最大。金融业有自身发展的规律 ,它应突破“存、贷、汇”的限制 ,走上以资本经营为主体的更大市场。金融市场的发展在客观上给社会更多的选择余地 ,分散了金融风险。金融风险是市场风险的一种 ,风险并不等于是危机。金融危机大体上有三种类型 :一是支付危机 ,二是股市危机 ,三是汇市危机。只要经济平稳发展 ,政策对头 ,危机一般都可避免。资本市场不宜过早开放 ,应以监管能力的配套为前提     

Is there a global environmental justice movement?

One of the causes of the increasing number of ecological distribution conflicts around the world is the changing metabolism of the economy in terms of growing flows of energy and materials. There are conflicts on resource extraction, transport and waste disposal. Therefore, there are many local complaints, as shown in the Atlas of Environmental Justice (EJatlas) and other inventories. And not only complaints; there are also many successful examples of stopping projects and developing alternatives, testifying to the existence of a rural and urban global movement for environmental justice. Moreover, since the 1980s and 1990s, this movement has developed a set of concepts and campaign slogans to describe and intervene in such conflicts. They include environmental racism, popular epidemiology, the environmentalism of the poor and the indigenous, biopiracy, tree plantations are not forests, the ecological debt, climate justice, food sovereignty, land grabbing and water justice, among other concepts. These terms were born from socio-environmental activism, but sometimes they have also been taken up by academic political ecologists and ecological economists who, for their part, have contributed other concepts to the global environmental justice movement, such as ‘ecologically unequal exchange’ or the ‘ecological footprint’.     

Food riots and the politics of provisions from early modern Europe and China to the food crisis of 2008

The food riots of 2007–2008 jolted authoritarian regimes and international agencies into action. The riots also began to crack neoliberal hegemony over the global food system. Food riots have often driven a politics of provisions, sometimes winning relief, sometimes merely bloody repression, depending on a particular country’s political economy. Such bargaining in the politics of provisions is made possible by existing networks – of solidarity among the common people and reciprocity between them and their rulers – that extend elements of ‘normal’ politics into crises. This paper explores how riotous extensions of such sociopolitical networks shaped food politics in early modern England and China, Famine Ireland, the ‘IMF (International Monetary Fund) austerity riots’ of the 1980s and 1990s, and the food riots of 2007–2008.