由环境群体性事件看我国参与式民主建设

环境群体性事件是我国公众基于维护生态利益而采取的环保自力救济行为的典型表现,实际上环保自力救济行为也为我国参与式民主政治建设提供了新的视角,解决生态问题内在地包含于以生态为导向的社会主义政治文明建设的理论逻辑与实践进程之中。有序的社会参与是建设社会主义政治文明和社会主义生态文明的双向要求和逻辑结合点,因此,在环境管理中引入社会参与机制,既是参与式民主理念在环境事务中的应用和深化,也是建设中国特色社会主义民主政治的现实选择。     

The Quest for a United Nations Specialised Agency for the Environment

Abstract

Recent years have seen intense intergovernmental deliberations on issues concerning governance in the field of environment. Their aim has been to address the role of the institutions that provide platforms for international environmental cooperation. There are two main lines of enquiry: the role of regime-specific institutions that cater to sectoral regulatory frameworks (popularly known as multilateral environmental agreements, or MEAs); and the role of institutions that are established to follow up on global environmental conferences or a specific environmental task. Most of these institutions reflect intergovernmental consensual process. However, there are concerns about their proliferation and there is a growing cacophony of calls to ‘bring coherence to the fragmented landscape of MEAs, intergovernmental bodies, UN system entities and other international organizations’ (Sha Zukang (2011) ‘Legal and policy dimensions of sustainable development: expected contribution of Rio + 20’, Environmental Policy and Law, 41(6), pp. 244–246, at p. 245). In fact the need to bring order to environmental governance has assumed great importance and urgency if environmental cooperation is to be achieved. This paper explores, in particular, the role of the United Nations Environment Programme and its potential for conversion to a specialised agency of the UN.     

环境犯罪证明方法研究

环境犯罪行为迥异于一般的犯罪行为,尤其是对于污染型环境犯罪行为,确定犯罪行为与损害结果之间的因果关系相当困难。对此,国外产生了推定因果关系存在的各种理论与学说。我国现行法律规定的犯罪证明方法在环境犯罪的认定上存在着缺陷,针对我国环境犯罪案发率高但因果关系证明难度大这一现实矛盾,有必要借鉴国外相关立法,对环境犯罪适用的因果关系确定推定方法,以彰显刑法对环境资源、人身权及财产权的保护功能,实现人类社会的可持续发展。     

岷江上游民族地区生态环境退化与整治研究

在过去几十年 ,由于人口超过环境承载量 ,人们生产方式和生活方式落后 ,以及生态脆弱等诸多因素 ,导致岷江上游民族地区生态环境退化 ,如植被 ,草场 ,土地的退化及自然灾害频繁发生等。目前 ,区域贫困和生态环境退化已形成了恶性循环。本文根据生态环境退化的现状和人为活动的特点 ,提出了生态环境恢复和整治的对策 ,为岷江上游民族地区生态屏障的构建提出新思路。     

环境群体性事件集体行动生成及消解:对典型个案的扎根分析

环境群体性事件一直秉持"污染侵害--群体施压"的逻辑框架,但与之相关的研究进路却忽略了对群体事件参与者内部动员、组织、集结及消解过程的分析。本文通过对大连"7·l6"海洋溢油事故后引发的渔民群体维权事件进行扎根分析发现,群体行动诱因、权变因素、群体行动共识形成、村庄网络化动员、集体行动生成、内部组织消解的核心范畴对环境群体性事件生成及消解有着显著影响,进而建构包含上述核心范畴的环境群体性事件参与者内部集结及消解路径模型,并阐释了模型中各因素内涵的相互关系。旨在研究结论对地方政府科学应对环境群体性事件具有一定的参考价值。     

环保督察与空气质量改善:立足城市情境的效应异质性分析

作为生态环境保护领域的一项重大制度创新,中央环保督察已经成为党和政府推动生态文明建设的重要政策工具。然而,对于中央环保督察能否改善空气质量,尤其是其效果的可持续性,尚存在诸多争议。立足于匹配后的地级市数据评估中央环保督察对空气质量改善的平均效应,结果表明中央环保督察尽管在短期内显著改善了空气质量,其长期效应并不显著。然而,借助基于模型的递归分解法和随机森林法进一步发现:中央环保督察的长期效应存在显著的情境差异性:中央环保督察对于空气污染较重的城市具有长期改善效应,且东部城市尤为明显;一个城市的经济发展水平越高,中央环保督察效应越具有长效性;政府规模和财政自主性对中央环保督察效应起到截然相反的调节作用:前者的扩张会削弱长期效应,而后者的提升则会强化长期效应。揭示城市情境对督察效应的调节作用,有助于深化学界对中央环保督察长效性的条件认识,也为进一步完善该制度、提升其效能提供了重要的思路。     

政府环境治理工作的公众评价：央地差距与结构性制约

近年来,随着环境问题日益受到社会各界的重视,政府在环境治理工作中的表现正成为公众关注的重点。但是,我们对于目前我国政府环境治理工作公众评价的基本情况和影响因素还知之甚少。基于对中国综合社会调查2013年（CGSS2013）数据的分析,我们发现,我国公众对于中央政府环境治理工作的评价显著高于地方政府,包括受教育程度、收入水平、社会经济地位感知、政治身份、城乡差距和地区差距在内的结构性因素制约着公众对于政府环境治理工作的评价。在对研究发现进行深入讨论的基础上,进一步提炼了研究发现在政策意义上的启示。     

Defining Environmental Justice Communities for Regulatory Enforcement: Implications from a Block‐Group‐Level Analysis of New York State

The absence of a clear definition of environmental justice areas has been cited as one of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency's major deficiencies in managing federal environmental justice programs. Several states have explicitly defined potential environmental justice areas and integrated targeted efforts into the policy‐making process. At the block‐group level, this study evaluates the effects of New York State's environmental justice policy, which defines communities of concern in terms of demographic and socioeconomic characteristics as well as mandates supplemental regulatory enforcement activities for these neighborhoods, on the agency's policy implementation practices under the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act. The empirical findings suggest that there is inconclusive evidence regarding race/ethnicity‐ and class‐based environmental inequity. Also, the state's policy intervention is not universally effective. Moreover, task environments of a given community are a consistent determinant of the agency's regulatory compliance monitoring and assurance activities. This study then derives broader implications regarding the adoption of a policy instrument that defines and screens potential environmental justice communities.     

Environmental Harm or Natural Hazard? Problem Identification and Adaptation in U.S. Municipal Climate Action Plans

A number of cities in the United States have devised climate action plans (CAPs) to mitigate the effects of climate change. However, few of these plans address strategies to adapt to the long term effects of climate change that will occur in the near and distant future. The research presented in this article examines why cities choose to embed adaptation provisions in their CAPs. Our study codes the content of CAPs for all cities (N = 98) in the United States with populations greater than 50,000. We find cities that frame problems associated with climate change in the language of hazards are more likely to include adaptation strategies in their CAPs than cities that focus on other types of environmental harm. Our findings suggest that more robust efforts to plan for climate change will require the activation of communities of interest beyond those that have been instrumental in setting the current climate agenda.     

Command without control: The case of China's environmental target system

In the existing literature there is general agreement that the effectiveness and efficiency of command and control instruments versus market‐based instruments is highly context specific. A country's particular regulatory environment and state capacity, as well as the features of given environmental problems, play an important role in ascertaining what the “right” set of policy instruments for environmental management might be. This article examines how command and control instruments are used as an environmental enforcement mechanism in China's authoritarian state. Based on extensive fieldwork, this paper shows that the reliance on binding environmental targets as the main domestic policy instrument in China has generated numerous undesirable consequences. While China's target‐based approach to implementation has incentivized local officials to strictly enforce environmental mandates, there are numerous shortcomings in the system. In particular, target rigidity, cyclical behaviour, poor data quality, and the absence of an independent monitoring agency have generated adverse effects and contribute to a yawning gap between regulatory goals and outcomes. The paper concludes that binding environmental targets as the main command–control instrument in China can be more accurately described as “command without control” as the target‐setting central government does not exercise a high degree of control over implementation and monitoring processes. But command and control instruments can be suited for managing “first‐generation” environmental problems and addressing environmental issues that have easily identifiable pollution sources and which are easy to verify.