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1.
Daniel Abrahams 《冲突、安全与发展》2019,19(4):323-345
ABSTRACTIncreasingly, a diverse set of policy communities, including those with defence, development and environmental mandates, frame climate change as a security threat. Most often this discursive formation labels climate change as a ‘threat multiplier’. This framing, however, is vague, linear and leaves many questions unanswered regarding how institutions can develop and implement policy that addresses the joint challenges of climate change, conflict and security. Utilising a mixed-methods approach, and grounding data collection in US policy communities, this article examines how policy actors and institutions integrate climate-security discourses into policy processes. The objective of this research is to provide direct insight into how the discourses and technical understandings of climate-security transition into policy priorities and implementation realities. This research identified three common approaches to climate-security: (1) A challenge of adaptation and resilience; (2) A potent political argument; and (3) An issue of limited importance and feasibility. These approaches, however, are inconsistent across sectors and within organisations, suggesting a lack of cohesion and considerable challenges in identifying and responding to climate change as a ‘threat multiplier’. 相似文献
2.
漓江是桂林的母亲河,是桂林旅游业的精华和精品。要更好地治理漓江,经营漓江,促进漓江旅游业的可持续性发展,必须注重水生态的保护与修复。 相似文献
3.
环境权:一种新兴的现代人权 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
刘敏 《西南政法大学学报》2002,4(1):25-28
人权是最基本的权利,环境权来自人权。生存权位于人权的核心,而环境权作为一项基本人权是不可剥夺、不可放弃和替代的权利。如果没有环境权,传统人权体系中的生存权就不可能得到完善的保障。环境权源于生存权,但超越了生存权,因此它是一种新兴的现代人权。 相似文献
4.
王京星 《西南政法大学学报》2005,7(5):82-87
伴随着工业化进程所带来的严重的生态危机,人类不断探寻更为有效的保护环境的新举措。建立环境税收制度,将税收和环保结合起来,可以发挥税收在控制污染、调节资源配置方面的作用;应以可持续发展为核心,以生态利益为本位,以实现代际公平为主要目标;应改革传统排污收费制度、调整资源税和消费税、完善税收优惠政策和征管制度,从而构建我国新型的环境税收制度。 相似文献
5.
国际环境争端解决机制研究 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
解决和避免国际环境争端已成为近年来备受关注的论题。无论是在1992年联合国环境与发展大会期间还是新近多边环境协定的谈判和实施过程中,国际环境法的遵守问题都引起了各国政府和国际法学者的关注。多边环境条约、联合国海洋法公约以及WTO规则,是国际环境争端解决机制的主要法律渊源。在一定范围内,这些多边条约和条约体系相互影响、相互推动,又相互矛盾和冲突,呈现出国际环境争端解决机制的独特发展形态。 相似文献
6.
俄罗斯刑法通过生态犯罪的设立保护生态环境,俄罗斯生态犯罪立法的价值取向、范围及处罚方式等,值得中国刑法立法的借鉴。中国刑法应设立生态犯罪以取代传统环境犯罪;中国生态犯罪应将生态法益作为保护的必要要件,其立法范围也要予以拓展。 相似文献
7.
论公民环境权及其法律保障 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
史玉成 《西南政法大学学报》2002,4(4):80-83
公民环境权是一项新型基本人权,应该成为法律上的权利和公民实有权利。从其内容体系和性质分析,公民环境权是一种复合型权利,兼具公益性和私益性双重属性。 相似文献
8.
9.
《Bulletin of Latin American research》2003,22(3):385-400
Books reviewed in this article:
Robert Barros, Constitutionalism and Dictatorship: Pinochet, the Junta and the 1980 Constitution
Barry Ames, The Deadlock of Democracy in Brazil
Christina Biebesheimer and Francisco Mejia (eds), Justice beyond our borders: judicial reforms for Latin America and the Caribbean
Jacobo Timerman, Prisoner without a Name, Cell without a Number
Rafael Hernández and John H. Coatsworth, Culturas Encontradas: Cuba y los Estados Unidos
Terence N. D'Altroy, The Incas
Anibal González, Killer Books: Writing, Violence and Ethics in Modern Spanish American Narrative
Efrain Kristal, Invisible Work: Borges and Translation
Beatriz Sarlo, Scenes from Postmodern Life 相似文献
Robert Barros, Constitutionalism and Dictatorship: Pinochet, the Junta and the 1980 Constitution
Barry Ames, The Deadlock of Democracy in Brazil
Christina Biebesheimer and Francisco Mejia (eds), Justice beyond our borders: judicial reforms for Latin America and the Caribbean
Jacobo Timerman, Prisoner without a Name, Cell without a Number
Rafael Hernández and John H. Coatsworth, Culturas Encontradas: Cuba y los Estados Unidos
Terence N. D'Altroy, The Incas
Anibal González, Killer Books: Writing, Violence and Ethics in Modern Spanish American Narrative
Efrain Kristal, Invisible Work: Borges and Translation
Beatriz Sarlo, Scenes from Postmodern Life 相似文献
10.
Frank Biermann 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2002,2(4):297-315
The debate on the advantages and disadvantages of upgrading the United Nations Environment Programme to a 'world environment organisation' (WEO) has gained momentum in both academe and politics. This article contends that a WEO would further the interests especially of developing countries, because it would provide them, first, a high-level forum to unite their individual bargaining power against the major industrialised countries. Second, a WEO would assist Southern efforts to garner international support for environmental programmes in regions and sectors that are increasingly bypassed by economic globalisation. Third, a WEO would create a locus to politically institutionalise the influence of non-governmental lobbyists in a way that increases the balance of opinions and perspectives. The article then addresses special challenges and caveats for developing countries in the upcoming negotiation process, in particular whether an upgraded UNEP would address only 'global' issues, thus absolving the international community from assisting developing countries in mitigating the more pressing local environmental issues in the South; whether the new body would have powerful sanctioning mechanisms, which might disproportionally affect developing countries; and what decision-making procedures the new body would have. 相似文献