Escalon:

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Corruption and identity politics in divided societies

Corruption is a major problem for populations in various parts of the world. This article argues that to understand the problems and dynamics of corruption, we need to understand how discourses and practices of corruption (and anti-corruption efforts) are intertwined with the construction and contestations of identity. Identity politics is a salient feature in peaceful political struggles, as well as in contemporary armed conflicts, which are often characterised by the politicisation of collective identity (ethnic, national, religious) for the violent pursuit of power. The article outlines and discusses four ways in which identity politics and corruption intersect. First, it points to the often blurred lines between private and collective benefit from corruption, revealing the implications of group identity for how corruption is conceptualised. Second, it shows how corruption may exacerbate grievances along identity lines. Third, it highlights how corruption can be used strategically in identity-based conflicts. Finally, it explores how corruption may encourage cross-ethnic solidarity and mobilisation that defy conflict divides.     

资源贫乏的少数民族山区建立扶贫新机制的思路

资源贫乏的少数民族山区,经济基础设施简陋,经济实力单薄,扶贫的任务非常艰巨.为实现2000年农村人口基本解决温饱的目标,必须采用非常措施,因为传统的扶贫措施,已被证明对最低层的贫困人口的脱贫效果甚微.因此,要充分利用西部大开发的有利时机,启动新的扶贫机制.     

蒙元对西北各民族地区的经营设治

蒙元统治时期的西北,民族情况复杂,各民族的迁徙对流频繁,民族间的分化与重组相互交叉,政治上的统一与分裂变化无常,中央政府通过亲王出镇、建立甘肃行中书省和行枢密院、设置站赤、打开交通、开展屯田垦殖等一系列措施,加强了地方与元王朝中央的政治联系,巩固了西部边疆民族地区的统一.     

羌族与白马藏人文化比较研究

羌族与白马藏人源于古代同源的羌族和氐族,是两支地域相邻且文化相近的族体.其文化的相近主要表现在生计、生活、宗教、习俗等方面,但由于历史原因,两种文化也存在一些差异,羌族受汉化较深,农耕业较先进;白马藏人多受藏文化影响,农业生产相对落后.     

少数民族地区的人力资源开发

随着知识经济时代的到来 ,世界各国非常重视人力资源的开发。在新的历史时期 ,西部民族地区与东部沿海地区的差距不仅表现在经济方面 ,更为突出地表现在知识和信息方面。要缩小差距 ,当务之急是西部民族地区要切实把人力资源开发提到重要的议事日程 ,抓住国家实施西部大开发战略的历史机遇 ,大力发展科技教育、文化卫生 ,努力提高人口素质 ,在知识、技术和信息上缩小与沿海发达地区的差距     

邓小平民族思想要旨四论

民族问题无小事。当今世界一些多民族国家因民族问题而导致民族纠纷、冲突不断,乃至国家解体,造成了深重灾难。邓小平把马克思主义民族理论与当代中国民族实际相结合,初步回答了在中国这样一个经济文化比较落后的统一的多民族国家里,如何巩固和发展平等、团结、互助的民族关系,加速发展我国少数民族地区的建设,实现全民族共同进步、发展和繁荣的问题,创立了独具中国特色的马克思主义民族理论。本文从民族平等论、民族团结论、民族区域自治论和民族发展论四个方面,把握和阐发邓小平民族理论的基本内涵及当代价值。     

论自治条例单行条例的法律地位

制定自治条例和单行条例 (自治法规 )是民族区域自治地方自治机关的一项自治权。自治法规的效力等级高于一般地方性法规而具有法律性质 ,但其适用范围仅限于本民族区域自治地方。上级国家机关要尊重和保障民族区域自治地方自治机关的自治权 ,但自治法规不能规定和约束上级国家机关。制定机关和批准机关对于自治法规都享有“半个立法权”的说法 ,实际上是把报请批准自治法规视同提请审议自治法规案 ,把自治机关享有的自治法规制定权视同拟定权。自治州、自治县的自治法规报请省级人大常委会批准后生效的规定 ,是一项宪法原则 ,这是我国民族区域自治地方立法体制的一大特点。在自治法规的效力等级和适用范围问题上的分歧 ,源于如何正确认识民族区域自治制度。     

信用报告制度的完善及身份窃取行为的预防

随着信息手段的多样化、客户使用电子支付方式的规模化,客户身份被窃取的事件也屡屡不断地发生。在电子商务过程中获得客户身份的企业,如何正当使用身份信息,在我国急待立法加以调整。我们应借鉴美国信用报告制度,加强我国客户身份信息保护。     

Subnational competitive authoritarianism and power-sharing in Bosnia and Herzegovina

ABSTRACT

Incremental democratic decline is evident in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), but measures of democracy conceal an uneven subnational distribution of autocratization. So far there has been limited research on the drivers and constraints to subnational autocratization. This paper aims to contribute to the literature on power-sharing by exploring instances of illiberal politics enacted by parties in government at the subnational level in BiH. Evidence is gathered through semi-structured interviews and analysis of three specific cases of illiberal politics. We find that the political contest in BiH is purposefully contained within ethnic and subnational boundaries and constrained through several layers of institutionalized multilevel and ethnic checks and balances. The main drivers of subnational autocratization are opportunities that arise from the institutional framework established during early democratization and postwar structures that blend executive dominance with economic power and informal party networks, and occasionally from an individual actor’s perceptions of threat. Democratization in BiH will need to address subnational politics and deep-rooted power structures if it is to be successful.