The Woman Victim in a Country in Crisis: A Reading of Tagwira's The Uncertainty of Hope

The article is based on my reading of Valerie Tagwira’s The Uncertainty of Hope as a feminist text that portrays female victimhood in the context of a failing postcolonial state. Tagwira writes about the experiences of a woman against the background of Murambatsvina, officially termed ‘‘Operation Clean Up.’’ The Zimbabwean Operation Clean Up of 2005 was condemned worldwide; and in her novel, Tagwira gives an often-ignored dimension of a woman’s experience of it, in the general context of a country facing serious political, economic and social challenges. For Tagwira, the challenges faced by Onai, as well as those around her, do not have links to their racial identities. Thus, Tagwira redefines the enemyvictim trope of the Third Chimurenga by subverting the state’s interpretation of the struggle discourse of the Third Chimurenga. In the state’s discourse, the victim trope is racial, the state enemy is the former colonial master (in support of the opposition political party) and the victim is the previously colonised black. In my analysis, I have used Susan Wendell’s theory on oppression and victimisation as contained in her article Oppression and Victimization: Choice and Responsibility (1990).     

治安检查若干问题探析

治安检查是公安机关维护社会秩序的重要手段,但其属性、设定、执行主体的职权、适用程序、监督救济等问题不明晰。治安检查是一般性行政强制措施,只能由法律法规和规章进行设定,执行主体的职责权限要界定,实施时应遵循一定程序,同时也必须加强执法监督,并为其提供相应的法律救济途径。     

从《反洗钱法》看我国洗钱罪立法的演进及完善

当前,洗钱犯罪已经成为各国普遍面临的难题,它不但给犯罪所得的黑钱披上了合法的外衣,为国家追查相关上游犯罪设置了障碍,而且为犯罪分子继续甚至扩大犯罪提供了条件与机会。如何对之进行有效打击,是各国都在努力探究的问题。本文从我国洗钱罪的立法历程入手,通过中外立法例的比较,指出我国洗钱罪立法上的不足,并提出今后应当完善的方向。     

ASEAN as the ‘regional conductor’: understanding ASEAN's role in Asia-Pacific order

This paper analyses ASEAN's prominence in regional order negotiation and management in Southeast Asia and the Asia-pacific through the lens of social role negotiation. It argues that ASEAN has negotiated legitimate social roles as the ‘primary manager’ in Southeast Asia and the ‘regional conductor’ of the Asia-Pacific order. It develops an English School-inspired role negotiation framework and applies it to three periods: 1954–1975 when ASEAN's ‘primary manager’ role emerged from negotiations with the USA; 1978–1991 when ASEAN's role was strengthened through negotiations with China during the Cambodian conflict; and 1991-present when ASEAN created and expanded the ‘regional conductor’ role. Negotiations during the Cold War established a division of labour where great powers provided security public goods but the great power function of diplomatic leadership was transferred to ASEAN. ASEAN's diplomatic leadership in Southeast Asia provided a foundation for creating its ‘regional conductor’ role after the Cold War. ASEAN's ability to sustain its roles depends on maintaining role bargains acceptable to the great powers, an increasingly difficult task due to great power rivalry in the South China Sea.     

New Changes in the International Situation and China's Strategic Choices

The international situation is evolving more impressively than it has at any time since the end of the Cold War.Globalization has been in decline.Nations are scrambling to gain greater influence.The international strategic pattern is being adjusted.Many countries have problems with public management,and are faced with a new array of social trends and increasingly popular movements.The world is entering a new era full of chaos and anxiety.Mankind once again faces significant trade-offs and choices in peace and conflict,development and recession,openness and isolation,liberalism and conservatism.China strives to advocate win-win cooperation and lead the trend of reform and opening to maintain a favorable external environment despite world chaos,and enhance status and institutional rights in the international system.China's 30 years of development was successful in the process of integrating into the existing international system;China is a participant as well as a builder of the international system,rather than a challenger or a subversive.In the future,with a constructive attitude,China will promote the international system in a more reasonable direction together with international partners,in order to better safeguard world peace and security,and promote sustainable development throughout the world.     

The EU and the Global Order: Contingent Liberalism

Abstract

Politicians, diplomats and analysts commonly assume that commitment to multilateralism and liberal norms is part of the EU’s very DNA. Increasingly, however, the EU’s commitment to the liberal global order is more selective. We demonstrate the shift to a more contingent liberalism by examining the EU’s recent record in relation to four different challenges: international trade; US leadership; Russian actions in the eastern neighbourhood; and security in the Middle East. We speculate on what this may portend for the EU’s self-identity, European interests and the integrity of the prevailing global order.     

Contestation and Transformation. Final Thoughts on the Liberal International Order

Abstract

The liberal international order, the inseparable mix of US geopolitical power and ideational project of organising international relations along normative frameworks such as internationalism, institutionalism and democracy, is reeling under the pressure of profound systemic changes such as greater interconnectedness and multipolarity. Predictions abound that increasing great power competition, most visibly at play in geographical areas of contested orders, will eventually tear it down. However, even if major actors – the US included – display a selective, irregular and often instrumental commitment to the liberal order, they are still repositioning themselves in that order and not outside of it. In addition, conflict is not the default outcome of order contestation, as hybrid forms of governance are possible even in troubled regions. No doubt, the world of tomorrow will be less American-shaped and less liberal, but transformation is a more plausible future than collapse for the liberal order.     

Can the global South take over the baton? What cosmopolitanism in ‘unlikely’ places means for future world order

As the West’s centrality fades, the global South may have a decisive influence in shaping future world order. Will that future see a retreat from globalisation to hard-edged particularisms? Or will the emerging post-Westphalian global society let the global South take over the baton of cosmopolitan institution building in its own way? This article draws on a multi-country survey of educated youth to find promising signs of imagined common ground with other countries. It suggests the flavours of cosmopolitan integration that the global South is likely to support in coming decades.     

美国强大的原因及发展趋势

美国强大的原因可以从势、道、制、术、器与士（即国际格局与国际力量对比、美国的意识形态与核心价值体系、政治经济与社会制度、科技与战略政策制定、经济与军事硬实力、人才培养与储备机制等方面）进行分析。由于新兴国家崛起,美国单极体系已经终结,美国霸权相对削弱,但是美国仍将在相当长的一段时间之内维持“一超”的地位。从劳动生产率、基础科研实力及研发投入、高等教育体系、外资投资环境、人口结构以及新兴产业等因素考察,美国经济长远来看仍具有较大的相对优势。未来美国霸权依然存在,美国二战后所确立的以“结构自由主义”为特征的国际秩序是美国霸权能够持久的最重要的基础,也是二战后西方国家之间的关系能够超越“零和”博弈格局的重要原因。美国对华战略并非遏制,而是“对冲/两面下注”。中美之间存在超越历史上传统大国“零和”博弈的可能,中国领导人提出建立中美新型大国关系的建议反映了这种战略远见。