论中国-东盟自由贸易区争端解决机制及其完善

中国—东盟自由贸易区始建于2002年《中国—东盟全面经济合作框架协议》的签署,按照规划将于2010年建成,它是一个包括11个成员国的区域经济一体化组织。本文考察了中国—东盟自由贸易区与其他自由贸易区的法律模式,并对其利弊得失作了恰如其分的比较,在此基础上分析了以2005年生效的《中国—东盟全面经济合作框架协议争端解决机制协议》为基础的中国—东盟自由贸易区争端解决机制的优点和存在的缺陷,探究了欧盟和北美自由贸易区的争端解决机制,提炼出可供借鉴的合理成分和可取之处,在总结归纳的同时,提出了完善和改进中国—东盟自由贸易区争端解决机制的具体建议和设想。     

Portable high‐resolution automated 3D imaging for footwear and tire impression capture

The forensic science community raised the need for improved evidence recognition, collection, and visualization analytical instrumentation for field and laboratory use. While the 3D optical techniques for imaging static objects have been extensively studied, there is still a major gap between current knowledge and collecting high‐quality footwear and tire impression evidence. Among optical means for 3D imaging, digital fringe projection (DFP) techniques reconstruct 3D shape from phase information, achieving camera‐pixel spatial resolution. This paper presents a high‐resolution 3D imaging technology using DFP techniques dedicated to footwear and tire impression capture. We developed fully automated software algorithms and a graphical user interface (GUI) that allow anyone without training to operate for high‐quality 3D data capture. We performed accuracy evaluations and comparisons comparing with the commercial high‐end 3D scanner and carried out qualitative tests for various impressions comparing with the current practices. Overall, our technology achieves similar levels of accuracy and resolution with a high‐end commercially available 3D scanner, while having the merits of being (1) more affordable; (2) much easier to operate; and (3) more robust. Compared with the current practice of casting, our technology demonstrates its superiority because it (1) is non‐destructive; (2) collects more evidence detail than casts, especially when an impression is fragile; (3) requires less time and money to collect each piece of evidence; and (4) results in a digital file that can easily be shared with other examiners.     

谨防诉讼调解过度化

鉴于诉讼调解在彻底解决纠纷、实现案结事了方面确实具有判决难以比拟的优势,诉讼调解在司法政策上得到支持,在司法实践中受到欢迎,具有足够的正当性与合理性。但是,我国原有制度已经为法官优先选择调解提供了充分的激励,在此基础上再大力强调调解,采取多种措施激励法官调解,有可能会造成诉讼调解过度化乃至强制化的局面。这种局面不但会损害当事人的合法权益,影响司法权威,阻碍我国的法制建设,也不利于审判效率的提高。因此,必须谨防诉讼调解过度化现象的产生。     

耕地集约化租赁的纠纷审视与司法应对

耕地集约化租赁虽对实现农业的转型升级具有积极作用,但也出现了一些损害农村土地权益的负面现象,并逐渐演化为诉讼纠纷。其所凸显出的发展与有序的问题不容忽视,需要司法实践积极回应,并进行利益平衡上的思考。     

我国体育协会章程与体育纠纷解决方式的研究--以足球协会章程研究为中心

体育纠纷呈爆炸式地增加,研究体育纠纷的解决方式成为必要.体育协会章程在纠纷解决中起着重要的作用,研究我国足球协会章程中体育纠纷解决机制具有代表性.通过研究发现协会章程中有关纠纷解决机制存在的问题,建议统一体育协会章程对纠纷解决机制的规定 ,明晰、简化内部纠纷解决机构的设置,强调作出的处罚具有独立性和权威性,并在章程中规定在内部纠纷解决方式使用穷尽时,可以选择仲裁和诉讼.     

家事事件程序的法理分析

台湾学者邱联恭教授提出了诉讼法理与非讼法理交错适用理论,家事事件程序交错适用诉讼法理和非讼法理是必要的和可能的,通常有三种情形.家事诉讼与非讼的集中交错以裁量权和对审权为中心.家事审判职权主义的特征使它与非讼程序有着某些相统点,因此家事诉讼事件可以一定程度的非讼化.     

对竞业禁止纠纷若干问题探析

商业秘密作为企业的一种无形资产和知识产权的重要组成部分,已经成为企业技术创新的重要内容和进行市场竞争的重要手段。本文就企业与员工的利益如何达到一种相对平衡,避免员工离职后与企业发生不必要的纠纷进行初步探讨。     

劳动争议调解制度的重构

和谐劳动关系是和谐社会的重要组成部分,劳动争议调解制度是和谐劳动关系的重要组成部分,也是社会主义和谐社会的必然要求。基于时代的发展和当前我国劳动争议处理制度的现状,重构劳动争议调解制度已成为必然。     

“Gendering” European security: policy changes,reform coalitions and opposition in the OSCE

The Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) has rarely been considered in scholarship on gender and security, even though it was one of the regional security organisations whose gender policy predated the United Nations Security Council’s call for more international attention to issues related to women, peace and security in October 2000. Based on an analysis of official OSCE documents and on semi-structured interviews, we trace the integration of gender issues in the OSCE and explore the rationale behind and the challenges associated with it. We identify two phases of gender policy change in the OSCE and show how the integration of UNSCR 1325 brought about an expansion of OSCE gender policy from an exclusive focus on “soft” security issues towards increased inclusion of gender in the area of “hard” security. Drawing on historical and feminist institutionalism, we argue that reform coalitions were crucial for the policy changes in the OSCE but that they encountered institutional and ideational barriers, which hampered implementation of the gender policy. In light of rising opposition, our analysis warns of a backlash that might jeopardise current achievements.     

Partisan effects in morality policy making

Current comparative policy research gives no clear answer to the question of whether partisan politics in general or the partisan composition of governments in particular matter for different morality policy outputs across countries and over time. This article addresses this desideratum by employing a new encompassing dataset that captures the regulatory permissiveness in six morality policies that are homosexuality, same‐sex partnership, prostitution, pornography, abortion and euthanasia in 16 European countries over five decades from 1960 to 2010. Given the prevalent scepticism about a role for political parties for morality policies in existing research, this is a ‘hard’ test case for the ‘parties do matter’ argument. Starting from the basic theoretical assumption that different party families, if represented in national governments to varying degrees, ought to leave differing imprints on morality policy making, this research demonstrates that parties matter when accounting for the variation in morality policy outputs. This general statement needs to be qualified in three important ways. First, the nature of morality policy implies that party positions or preferences cannot be fully understood by merely focusing on one single cleavage alone. Instead, morality policy is located at the interface of different cleavages, including not only left‐right and secular‐religious dimensions, but also the conflicts between materialism and postmaterialism, green‐alternative‐libertarian and traditional‐authoritarian‐nationalist (GAL‐TAN) parties, and integration and demarcation. Second, it is argued in this article that the relevance of different cleavages for morality issues varies over time. Third, partisan effects can be found only if individual cabinets, rather than country‐years, are used as the unit of analysis in the research design. In particular, party families that tend to prioritise individual freedom over collective interests (i.e., left and liberal parties) are associated with significantly more liberal morality policies than party families that stress societal values and order (i.e., conservative/right and religious parties). While the latter are unlikely to overturn previous moves towards permissiveness, these results suggest that they might preserve the status quo at least. Curiously, no systematic effects of green parties are found, which may be because they have been represented in European governments at later periods when morality policy outputs were already quite permissive.