The rise of China as a constructed narrative: Southeast Asia's response to Asia's power shift

This article examines the rise of China from the perspective of three selected countries – the Philippines, Vietnam, and Malaysia – in Southeast Asia. I argue that their perceptions of China's rise are political constructs: while the objective reality may be an increasingly powerful China, their responses have been far from uniform. They vary in ways that are shaped by their domestic politics. These constructed narratives serve their respective political agenda, from leadership legitimacy to the supremacy of a party faction. Since theories of international relations tend to fixate on power politics between great powers, this article explains how and why small regional powers add to the process of understanding China's rise. In short, regional states’ domestic politics affect their narratives of China, and therefore affect how China's rise is being understood in the region and beyond.     

The Major Power Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics in the Transition of International Order

The early 21st century finds great change in international order.China's foreign relations have entered a new phase where its driving force is rapidly rising for the emerging countries and new global economic governance mechanism is gradually established.To follow the trend of the times,China has actively participated in global economic governance and supply of public goods.China' s foreign relations present a new vision,idea and strategy under the leadership of President Xi Jinping.It is a new starting point for China to further integrate itself into the world and open itself wider to the world.China takes an active part to participate in global governance and plays an important role in the issues of economic integration,environmental governance,climate change,nuclear nonproliferation,energy crisis,internet security and anti-terrorism,especially anti-terrorism.This article explains the performance of international relations in current transition order and tries to tackle prior (and in some ways more intractable) issues and to analyze the internal logics and external environment of impact of multi-polarization on China's major power diplomacy with its characteristics in the transition of International order.     

Online clustering,fear and uncertainty in Egypt’s transition

Does the uncertainty associated with post-authoritarian transitions cause political and social polarization? Does ubiquitous social media exacerbate these problems and thus make successful democratic transitions less likely? This article examines these questions in the case of Egypt between the 11 February 2011 fall of President Hosni Mubarak and the 3 July 2013 military coup, which overthrew President Mohamed el-Morsi. The analysis is based on a Twitter dataset including 62 million tweets by 7 million unique users. Using a mix of quantitative and qualitative methods, we demonstrate how clusters of users form and evolve over time, the density of interactions between them, and the flow of particular types of information through the clustered network structure. We show that the Egyptian Twitter public developed into increasingly isolated clusters of the like-minded which shared information unevenly. We argue that the growing distance between these clusters encouraged political conflict and facilitated the spread of fear and hatred, which ultimately undermined the democratic transition and won popular support for the military coup.     

Collective learning and regime dynamics under uncertainty: labour reform and the way to autocracy in Russia

The article questions the structural approach to autocratic transition that sees government as knowingly and purposely building autocracy, and contributes to the tradition emphasizing the plurality of possible regime developments and the role of contingency therein, by providing a more systematic treatment of such contingency. We offer a path-dependent theory of political change and use insights from cognitive institutionalism to show how ad hoc policy reform practices become accepted as a trusted way of interaction by political actors and how they “learn” their way into autocracy. This intuition is substantiated with a case-study of the labour reform in Putin’s Russia. The early 2000s marked a surge in uncertainty in Russian politics caused by the succession crisis and the profound political turnover it triggered. This uncertainty could have resolved in a number of ways, each leading to a different political development. We trace the actual way out of this uncertainty and show that the major factor to condition further regime trajectory was the way social reforms were conducted. The course of these reforms determined the ruling coalition and the institutions that ensure credible commitment within its ranks (the dominant party), and contributed to crowding out the political market and opposition decay.     

国际秩序转型与族群冲突研究

大国竞争和大国实力的变化是国际秩序转型的主要变量,它们影响着族群冲突。大国实力下降造成国内统治力减弱,届时国内各族群为争取权力而进行族群动员,引发族群冲突;同时大国实力下降会收缩其在国际控制范围,进而出现权力真空,由此引发族群对于权力的竞争和冲突。大国间竞争也会引发族群冲突。大国在某一地区或国家的经济竞争会引起族群间的收入不平等,进而引发或加剧族群间的竞争和冲突;大国在政治上的竞争,尤其在地缘政治上的争夺会引发族群冲突;大国在意识形态上的竞争为族群竞争提供思想支持。数据显示,1946-2015年间的族群冲突与苏联和美国的实力变化存在一定的趋势匹配。当美苏之间实力变化不大、竞争缓和时,族群冲突也相对减少;当两国之间实力起伏较大、竞争加剧时,族群冲突便有增长趋势,特别是苏联解体后,权力由苏联转向美国的几年,族群冲突异常激烈。1961-1991伊拉克库尔德人族群运动与苏美间的竞争息息相关,苏联通过支持伊拉克,以获得其在中东地区的影响力。美国为了减少苏联在海湾地区的影响力,确保丰富廉价的石油供应,唆使库尔德人反对伊拉克,并利用伊朗和伊拉克边界争端,通过支持伊朗来制衡伊拉克,进而削弱伊拉克,以确保其在该地区的影响力。正是美苏对该地区石油、地缘战略和意识形态阵地的争夺,让该地区复杂的族群、宗教矛盾成为它们全球争霸的工具,加之库尔德人自身的诉求,最终酿成长达三十多年的族群冲突。     

挑战与应对：全面二孩政策下的女性就业权保障

本文利用人力资本理论、职业生涯理论和统计歧视理论,通过2017年、2016年和2014年完成的48例个案访谈、4次小组座谈,2010年对全国7573例已婚职业女性的问卷调查,分析生育尤其是全面二孩政策对女性就业权的影响,生育保障对女性就业权的保障作用以及企业积极应对全面二孩政策的经验。最后,从两种生产理论出发,结合国内外女性就业权保障的经验和积极措施,探索全面二孩政策下女性就业权保障的政策与措施。     

经济体制转轨与环境质量研究

为了改变低效率与缺乏激励,中国进行了一系列改革,尤其是市场经济体制的建立,对中国经济增长起到了巨大的作用,本文分析了市场机制对环境质量影响的三种方式,并采用面板数据进行了分析,结果证明市场化有利于环境质量的改善,且市场化和环境保护可以形成良性循环。     

中国社会转型与法的统一性

社会转型必然引起法的理论和制度体系的统一性运动。殷周之际的社会转型形成了道德人文法思想和礼乐刑政模式;春秋战国至秦汉的社会转型形成了礼法结合、德主刑辅的法律思想和制度模式;唐宋之间的社会变动,没有改变法的统一性,但理学使法的统一理论达到了顶峰,实现了哲理、法理与情理,天理、国法与人情的贯通与融合。晚清社会转型,使传统中国法的统一性解体,同时开启了新的中国法的统一性运动。法的统一性在传统中国有其必然性和长期性,而且是统一在道德原理之上的,这对未来中国法的统一性仍有其价值。当代中国法正在道德与自由这两个基本原理的支配和社会主义平等理念的指引下向着新的统一性的方向发展。     

转型时期中国经济法的宪政价值探究

对个体经济自由权和经济平等权的保障、对国家经济调节权的控制以及公民对经济秩序参与的推进,是转型时期中国经济法宪政价值的集中体现,是经济法的出发点和归宿。中国经济法的宪政价值契合了当下中国经济社会发展的阶段性特征。这一研究助益经济社会发展和民主宪政的行进方向,不应偏废。     

机关政治思想工作在构建社会主义核心价值体系中的作用

党的十六届六中全会首次提出社会主义核心价值体系这一重大命题，并在十七大上向全党提出了建设社会主义核心价值体系的重大战略任务。充分发挥思想政治工作作用，是我们党长期以来整合社会思潮、调节利益矛盾的行之有效的重要手段，特别是处位特殊、影响力大的机关政治思想工作，在构建社会主义核心价值体系过程中尤为重要。