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221.
Local governments default on bonds when they fail to comply with the monetary and nonmonetary aspects of the debt contracts. Analyses of defaults have relied on reports from credit rating agencies, which include only rated bonds undergoing monetary defaults. Using a unique and comprehensive dataset of defaults, we examine all general-purpose government defaults from 2009 to 2015 and find defaults to be more common than previously reported. We present a typology of defaults and characteristics of defaulted bonds. Most defaults occur among nongeneral obligation bonds and did not affect the yield of future, unrelated credits of the same issuer, providing support to the credit segmentation hypothesis. 相似文献
222.
Javier Arellano-Yanguas 《Regional & Federal Studies》2019,29(2):249-273
ABSTRACTThe transfer of oil and mining revenues to the subnational governments of resource-rich jurisdictions is a common policy aimed at promoting development and reducing local opposition to extraction. In the early 2000s, Peru implemented a radical version of that policy. Peruvian mining regions received fiscal transfers many times greater than the national average during the last commodity boom. The strategy had mixed effects on well-being indicators. These transfers had statistically significant positive effects on economic growth and the rate of school attendance at different ages. In contrast, they did not have a significant impact on poverty reduction or the coverage of other basic services, while being positively correlated with an increase in the income gap between women and men. Overall, the results are not as positive as the promoters had expected. The transfers generated political incentives for local authorities to pursue short-term, clientelistic spending that has reduced their potential benefits. 相似文献
223.
本文旨在研究政治预算周期在台湾地区政治制度中的表现,以及在选举过程中执政者如何应用财政政策工具以获得竞选优势。以台湾地区县市长选举为例,结合其财政转移支付制度,利用LSDV估计方法,通过实证研究发现:政治预算周期行为在台湾地区的政治制度下显著存在,具体表现在县市选举年度,台湾地区项目型补助款的支出比非选举年有显著增加;在控制经济、人口等客观因素后,由于“桩脚”等历史遗留问题,台湾地区一般县市比“直辖市”获得更多的项目型补助款。因此,转移支付制度在台湾地区已经偏离实现公共服务水平均等化的原则,台湾当局通过改变转移支付分配结构以满足选民偏好,使得经济政策沦为政治选举工具。 相似文献
224.
The intensification of the financial and economic crisis in Europe has added a new impetus to the debate over the possibilities for securing supranational fiscal integration within the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). Since the literature on the European Union’s response to the crisis is dominated by the study of intergovernmental politics, this article considers the previously neglected role of the Commission. A framing analysis of the Commission’s crisis discourse is operationalised here, which is supplemented by interviews with senior officials located in the Directorate General for Economic and Financial Affairs (DG ECFIN) during key phases of the crisis. It is found that a supranational reform agenda was never internalised by the Commission. Instead, the Commission acted strategically by framing the crisis around intergovernmental fiscal discipline. These findings suggest that, in line with the ‘new intergovernmentalist’ thesis, supranational institutions themselves may not be as ‘hard-wired’ towards supranationalism as is often assumed. 相似文献
225.
Roger Jonathan Southall 《Canadian journal of African studies》2017,51(3):389-405
“Bond notes” were introduced by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe in late 2016 as a local surrogate currency equivalent in value to the US dollar to address the acute currency shortage afflicting the economy. Unsurprisingly, they were overwhelmingly rejected by Zimbabweans, who feared that they heralded a return to the hyper-inflation which had destroyed incomes and savings in 2008–09. Accordingly, faced by a widening budget deficit, the ZANU–PF government turned to alternative methods of creating money with a view to winning the next election: expanding the supply of electronic currency and selling Treasury bills. The resultant financial crisis provided the backdrop to the military’s recent displacement of President Robert Mugabe. However, commitments to economic reform by any new government dominated by ZANU–PF appear unlikely to address Zimbabwe’s persistent crisis. 相似文献
226.
Helen Hoka Osiolo 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2017,40(2):185-191
An intergovernmental fiscal transfer is an instrument used by governments to equalize fiscal capacity. However, with the large discrepancies in fiscal capacity among Local Authorities (LAs) in Kenya, it is evident that the intention of the instrument has not been met. These disparities lead to inequity as some LAs receive better services for their tax, while others do not.
Using panel data from 2001-2006 among 22 LAs, the Local Authority Transfer Fund (LATF) was found to be high in LAs that had substantial fiscal capacities. This suggests the need to revise the formula used in computing LATF. 相似文献
227.
Monika Köppl Turyna Grzegorz Kula Agata Balmas Kamila Waclawska 《Local Government Studies》2016,42(5):785-820
In this article we analyse the effects of political business cycles and fiscal decentralisation on the expenditure categories of Polish municipalities. We find convincing evidence demonstrating the impact of strong political business cycles in almost all expenditure categories, particularly for the categories of expenditure relevant to electoral success, such as infrastructure and social programmes. We find evidence that transfers to municipalities increase the strength of the electoral cycle. 相似文献
228.
Benedict S. Jimenez 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2016,39(10):729-743
Performance management or PM has been promoted as a tool to transform government. Claims that PM will enable governments to “do more with less,” “increase efficiency,” provide “value for money,” and make “rational budget decisions” abound. Has PM helped city governments in the United States cope with the effects of the 2007–2009 Great Recession? Theory suggests that PM can provide the informational and analytical foundation necessary for city officials to implement comprehensive but conflictive budget-cutting and revenue-raising strategies. By facilitating deep expenditure cuts and tax increases, PM can indirectly influence budget deficits. Using data from a national survey of city governments and multiyear audited financial reports, the empirical analysis shows that PM cities favored what are essentially decremental responses to fiscal crises that lead to marginal changes in revenues and expenditures. Not surprisingly, there is no evidence that PM influences the size and change in budget shortfalls. 相似文献
229.
Susan F. Turner Lois M. Davis Terry Fain Helen Braithwaite Theresa Lavery Wayne Choinski 《Victims & Offenders》2015,10(4):401-419
AbstractMany states faced fiscal pressures on their corrections budgets as the country entered a deep recession in 2008. A 2011 survey by the Association of State Correctional Administrators (ASCA) asked corrections officials in all 50 states about changes in correctional facilities, focusing on closures, new facilities, and altering existing facilities as a response to budget pressures. States employed a combination of these strategies. Between fiscal year (FY) 2007–2008 and FY 2011–2012, 148 facilities were closed, 29 new facilities were opened, and 23 states added 22,740 beds to existing facilities, resulting in about a 19,000 net bed reduction overall. Closures did not necessarily appear to be related to fiscal pressures or always related to reductions in the prison population. Despite the Great Recession, correctional funding is still a large part of state expenses and many states’ correctional populations continue to grow. 相似文献
230.
孙璧珍 《北京市总工会职工大学学报》2013,(4):36-41
通过对历年人均财政卫生支出、不同地区人均财政卫生支出、城乡人均财政卫生支出直接和间接的比较分析,发现:全国人均财政卫生支出快速、不稳定增长,地区间人均财政卫生支出差距大与地区内部不均衡并存,城乡医疗卫生资源配置失衡.因此,在继续加大人均财政卫生投入比例的同时,要注重缓解地区间、地区内部、城乡间人均财政卫生支出的非均衡、不公平现象,最终实现财政卫生支出的总量适度,结构合理. 相似文献