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251.
积极稳妥推进城镇化,要以加速发展、加快转型为动力推动城镇化发展。要以科学发展为主题,走城乡统筹发展的道路,走可持续发展的道路,走协调发展的道路。要坚持科学规划、节约优先、生态优化、提升城市功能,实现资源节约、环境友好、经济高效、社会和谐、城乡互促共进。  相似文献   
252.
It is pointed out by the Chinese leadership that, despite numerous frameworks for Asia-Pacifi c economic cooperation, a regional security architecture that suits the regional realities and meets the needs of various countries should and must be constructed. China should grasp the current strategic opportunities, assume the role of concept-generator and agenda maker, and duly advocate the creation of an Asia-Pacifi c regional security architecture. This paper lists six objectives in building a regional security architecture, compares the positions and proposals of various countries on regional security affairs and analyzes the three salient security issues—North Korea, the East China Sea and the South China Sea. Given the attitudes of the United States, Russia, Japan, South Korea, Australia and the ASEAN, it is impossible for any one of these entities to take the initiative in building a comprehensive architecture; nor is it advisable for China to do so under these circumstances. What China needs to do at this moment is to defi ne its strategic goals and clarify its strategic thinking.  相似文献   
253.
通过比较分析表明,中国东部“三极”在基本要素、经济发展水平、社会发展水平、文化心理底蕴、区内协同程度等方面各有不同。京津冀经济发展速度近年加快,但其经济社会发展水平总体上不如长三角、珠三角;在发展模式方面,因考察维度不同,“三极”之间各有差异,如长三角是一主多副模式、珠三角是多元中心模式、京津冀是梯度布局模式等。由此启示京津冀在目前加快推进一体化协同发展的进程中,需要因应老工业基础、经济增速加快和高层重视的机遇,真诚合作,合理规划,改变目前重视经济政治、轻视社会建设的局面,逐步实现地区内部从差异化到均衡协同发展、从剥夺式到互惠一体发展转变。  相似文献   
254.
A population study of 505 unrelated individuals from Southwestern Germany was carried out on the 3′-apoB hypervariable region (HVR). After amplification via polymerase chain reaction (PCR) and agarose gel electrophoresis, 15 different alleles and 47 genotypes were observed. The most common alleles were hypervariable elements (HVE) 37 and 35 with an allele frequency of 0.374 and 0.244, respectively. The heterozygosity index was calculated to be 78.4%. Allele frequencies of this study are compared with results from other databases obtained from a French, a Spanish, an Asian and an American (Black) population.  相似文献   
255.
本文解读了生态巨匠威廉·里斯的生态城市思想:生态城市的本质在于最大限度地减轻区域的生态负担,实现途径是最大限度地实现“自运营”。文章同时阐释了这一生态城市思想对我国的启迪。  相似文献   
256.
谭力  沈萍 《政法学刊》2006,23(6):102-103
上个世纪八十年代,我国开始建立无障碍设施,整体的实施状况不容乐观,其中无障碍设施的设计、实施、管理在立法、行政管理等方面急需加强和完善,而民众意识的提高无疑将有巨大的推动力。  相似文献   
257.
Mitochondrial DNA sequences of the entire control region were analyzed in 200 unrelated individuals from Macedonia. A total of 163 different haplotypes were found as determined by 177 polymorphic sites. The probability of a random match was calculated as 1:121 (0.83%). The basic phylogenetic structure of the Macedonian population as derived from its haplogroup distribution is in agreement with other West-Eurasian populations. Upon publication, the population data are going to be available in the EMPOP database (www.empop.org) [W. Parson, A. Dür, EMPOP—a forensic mtDNA database, FSI:Genetics 1 (2) (2007) 88–92; W. Parson, A. Brandstätter, A. Alonso, N. Brandt, B. Brinkmann, A. Carracedo, et al., The EDNAP mitochondrial DNA population database (EMPOP) collaborative exercises: organisation, results and perspectives, Forensic Sci. Int. 139 (2–3) (2004) 215–226.].  相似文献   
258.
我国少数民族地区现代化面临着双重任务,不仅要改造传统产业,而且要发展新兴产业。大力发展信息服务业是实现“跨越式”发展的坚实基础。  相似文献   
259.
可持续发展观强调经济发展应与环境保护、与人的利益相协调,从而使得绿色营销成为区域发展和企业经营的必然选择。通过对陕西发展绿色营销的调研发现,不少企业树立并开展了绿色营销,但多数企业对绿色营销的认识不到位、企业生产方式落后,“绿色”经营程度较低。陕西企业进一步发展绿色营销,政府、企业、消费者和NGO均应承担相应的角色,应分别采取不同的对策,形成齐抓共管的绿色营销氛围。  相似文献   
260.
In the last decade, studies have documented how autocrats use elections as a way of legitimising and stabilising their regimes. Simultaneously, a literature on negative external actors (also known as ‘black knights’) has developed, emphasising how various international actors use anti‐democracy promotion strategies to undergird authoritarian regimes. In this article, these two literatures are fused in an attempt to shed light on the external dimension of authoritarian elections and what is termed ‘black knight election bolstering’. First, five mechanisms are elucidated, through which external assistance increases the chances of ‘winning’ elections in authoritarian settings (signaling invincibility, deterring elite defection, undermining opposition activities, dealing with popular protests, and countervailing pressure from foreign democracy promoters). Second, it is argued that external actors are most likely to offer election bolstering when they face a particularly acquiescent partner or when electoral defeat is perceived to lead to radical and undesired regime change. The relevance of both factors is augmented when uncertainty of the electoral outcome is high. Finally, four cases of Russian intervention during elections in three authoritarian neighbour countries (Ukraine in 2004, Belarus in 2006, and Moldova in 2005 and 2009) are analysed. The case studies corroborate the theoretical arguments: not only does Russia engage in all five types of black knight election bolstering, but it does so only when one or more of the three explanatory factors are present.  相似文献   
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