东北与东南沿海地区青年企业家群体思维方式、价值观念的差异比较

文章采用实证方法,对东北老工业基地和东南沿海地区青年企业家群体思维方式、价值观念进行了比较分析,指出东北老工业基地青年企业家在理性主义和创业精神,群体主义与责任意识,法律规范意识与亲情主义,创新精神及金钱、财富和权力观等方面存在着不足,并针对区域文化创新,深化行政管理体制改革,提高青年企业家人文素质,培育"商性"观念和加强创业教育方面提出了建设性对策。     

Intersecting Inequalities: Reflecting on the Subjects and Objects of Equality

The creation of the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) brings together equality strands that have previously been conceived in a discrete manner, politically, legally and institutionally. Its establishment raises the possibility that UK equality institutions might be better able to engage with issues of 'intersectionality'. This article considers whether this potential is likely to be realised. It suggests that two distinct approaches are emerging in response to the challenge of multiple inequalities. One entails the EHRC retaining a separate strands approach to equality, with its notion of structural inequality and discrete, frequently competing, groups; a second entails the embrace of a diversity agenda in which we are all complex individuals seeking an equal opportunity to thrive in the market-place. Given the potential limitations of these approaches - the first may not be sufficiently flexible to allow for a joined-up approach to multiple inequalities, while the second may subordinate equality considerations to those of greater economy productivity - the article asks whether others way of negotiating the demands intersectionality might be open to the EHRC.     

建国以来党“正确处理人民内部矛盾理论”的发展历程

人民内部矛盾理论是毛泽东哲学思想的重要内容。以邓小平、江泽民、胡锦涛为代表的中央领导集体，在改革开放的新的历史条件下，创造性地丰富和发展了毛泽东关于人民内部矛盾的学说，使党关于正确处理人民内部矛盾的理论和实践达到了新的境界和新的水平。     

如何提高领导干部的情商能力

情商的高低直接关系到我国领导干部领导水平的高低。领导干部要提高自身情商能力,离不开观念、态度和行动三要素,而主要着力点体现在树立目标,正确定位;参与培训,提高自我;以诚待人,为人谦和;不畏艰难,意志坚定;性情宽和,大肚容人;勤学不辍,持之以恒六个方面。     

弱势群体保护的社会契约基础

根据订约语境的不同以及契约传统和价值取向的不同,社会契约可分为同意型社会契约、互惠型社会契约、平等型社会契约和人本型社会契约。社会契约视域下的弱势群体可相应界定为:没有实际参与同意过程而使缔约目的没有充分实现的人群;没有从社会契约中受惠并与契约伙伴同步发展的人群;没有在立约时被平等对待并予倾斜保护致其基本人权受到侵害的人群;没有在契约重大变更时处于有利地位而被作为功利考量牺牲品的人群。弱势群体保护的社会契约责任基础包括:同意型社会契约政府责任之自由基础、互惠型社会契约个人责任之功利基础、平等型社会契约社会责任之正义基础、人本型社会契约动态完善之人道基础。     

Did Covid-19 Change Armed Group Governance? Evidence from a Survey of Local Security Authorities in Colombia

As the Covid-19 pandemic began, initial reports suggested that armed groups would seize the opportunity to expand their control over territory and civilians. However, drawing on an original survey of local security officials responsible for monitoring armed group behaviour in Colombia, we find little evidence of significant shifts in the presence or behaviour of political or criminal groups. Contrary to prevailing expectations, we also find that armed group governance is common in areas contested by multiple groups. Our findings shed new light on armed group adaptation to shocks, and challenge the assumption that territorial control is a prerequisite for governance.     

网络时代我国弱势群体阶层流动困境:表征、根源及对策

网络时代弱势群体获得了一定的阶层流动机会,但并未完全摆脱阶层流动困境,由此产生的社会对立情绪、社会矛盾和风险日益突出。较之传统时代,网络时代弱势群体阶层流动的困境主要表现在机会困境、动力困境和技术保障困境三个方面,其根源在于“自我排斥”与“外部排斥”交织循环作用,其结果表现为弱势群体处于相对于网络主流社会、权力中心的边缘境遇,难以与其他社会成员进行互动,产生空间排斥,丧失认同感。通过双向赋权激发弱势群体阶层流动意愿、建立电子包容提供弱势群体阶层流动技术动力、提供网络媒介援助增加弱势群体阶层流动机会是加快弱势群体阶层流动的现实路径。     

Tracing policy influence of diffuse interests: the post-crisis consumer finance protection politics in the US

Dodd–Frank, the financial reform law passed in the United States in response to the 2008 financial crisis, established the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, a new federal regulator with the sole responsibility of protecting consumers from unfair, deceptive, or abusive practices. This decision marked the end of a highly politicized reform debate in the US Congress, in which proponents of the new bureau would normally have been considered to be much weaker than its opponents. Paradoxically, an emerging civil society coalition successfully lobbied decision-makers and countered industry attempts to prevent industry capture. What explains the fact that rather weak and peripheral actors prevailed over more resourceful and dominant actors? The goal of this study is to examine and challenge questions of regulatory capture by concentrated industry interests in the reform debates in response to the credit crisis which originated in the US in 2007. The analysis suggests that for weak actors to prevail in policy conflicts over established, resource-rich opponents, they must undertake broad coalition building among themselves and with influential elite allies outside and inside of Congress who share the same policy goals.     

广西民族工作的难点与对策

如何服务好中国-东盟自由贸易区的建设与发展,如何服务好广西沿海发展新一极和中国南向互利合作战略的实施工作,这是新时期广西民族工作面临的全新课题.文章根据新世纪中央对广西民族工作的总体要求,提出一些建设性的建议,认为这是新时期广西民族工作迈上新台阶、取得新成就的关键所在.