当前维护困难职工群体合法权益的对策性思考

维护困难职工群体的合法权益,是一个关系到方方面面的系统社会工程,对之应从多角度采取切实有效的措施。     

发展沿海都市型农业推进农业现代化进程--天津农业现代化问题研究

没有天津农业、农村、农民的现代化,就没有天津的现代化。天津的农业现代化要以国际化、科技化、产业化为主要标志,集经济、社会、生存功能为一体,要具有时代与天津特色;形成以高起步、多功能、深加工的产业为重点的环城经济圈与综合经济带和滨海经济带曲“一圈两带”的发展格局。     

青少年游戏型犯罪防控机制探究

游戏型犯罪是具有典型"后现代社会"特征的一种犯罪形式,具有独特的内在产生机理,其产生源于社会发展所处的阶段等宏观因素以及家庭、教育、行为个体等微观因素。西方国家如美国、日本已就游戏型犯罪采取了专门的防控措施与司法处理机制,而游戏型犯罪在我国尚处于萌芽阶段,从社会环境、家庭、教育及相关司法制度等领域协调构建科学、有效的防控体系,是净化青少年成长的社会环境,保卫人民群众生命财产安全的现实要求。     

紧张理论下的弱势群体犯罪问题研究

我国正处于社会转型期,弱势群体犯罪现象日益凸显,寻求弱势群体犯罪原因并制定相应的预防对策已刻不容缓.通过对20世纪初期诞生于美国的紧张理论的研究,并结合弱势群体的犯罪问题,可以得出紧张和压力是弱势群体犯罪的主要成因,通过缓解这种紧张状态可达到预防弱势群体犯罪的目的.     

党的民族团结政策维度下的广西民族大团结

我们党从成立起就非常重视民族团结,新中国成立后,更是把民族团结作为国家统一、社会稳定和社会主义事业发展的根本保证。广西各族人民在党的民族团结政策指引下,在革命、建设和改革开放90年的历程中,模范地践行党的民族团结政策,实现了广西各族人民的大团结、大发展与大繁荣。分析和总结90年来党在广西解决民族问题的成功经验,对我们党和国家在新时期制定民族政策和做好新时期民族工作都具有有益的启示。     

Transnational Transmitters: Ethnic Kinship Ties and Conflict Contagion 1946–2009

Previous research has proposed that ethnic conflict may spread across borders. Although the importance of transnational ethnic groups is often emphasized, the processes through which contagion may take place remain unspecified. The present study presents a context for more precise analysis of contagion. Further, it identifies distinct processes through which contagion is likely to occur within this context. It is argued that when an ethnic group engages in violent conflict in one state, kin in a nearby state may be inspired to rebel because the outbreak of conflict renders ethnic bonds and similar conditions salient. These bonds and similarities become even more salient when the kin group has opportunities and willingness to mobilize for rebellion. Statistical analysis employing unique global data covering 1946–2009 supports this argument. These results indicate that kinship ties matter for contagion and identify some of the conditions which amplify the effects such ties have for contagion.     

Groups,Decision Rules,and Negotiation Outcomes: Simulating the Negotiator's Dilemma

The negotiator's dilemma is a vexing problem (structurally similar to the prisoner's dilemma), but it is made more complicated by the fact that many negotiations involve teams of negotiators. Although it is widely recognized that the behavior of groups of people can deviate in important ways from the behavior of individuals, the implications of this for the negotiator's dilemma are unclear. For this article, I have used a computer simulation to explore the impact of different decision rules (majority rule, consensus, and weakest link) on how the approach of groups to negotiations might differ. The results suggest that the use of different decision rules can greatly complicate negotiations. While the majority rule is quite versatile in multiple contexts, a pairing of weakest link and consensus decision rules is highly problematic for finding a negotiated settlement.     

Representatives of the public? Public opinion and interest group activity

Although scholars have long speculated about how organised interests link the public to decision makers, there has actually been little empirical research on this important element of democratic theory. This important gap in the literature is addressed in this article by examining, in addition to other supply‐side and demand‐side factors, whether groups mobilise on issues in policy areas that are regarded as salient by the public. Based on an analysis of 4,501 contributions in 142 European Commission online consultations, it is found that organised interests potentially can act as a transmission belt between the public and decision makers. Although the results vary to some degree by issues, higher rates of mobilisation are found on those issues that fall within policy areas that are regarded as salient by the general public and those with consequences for budgetary spending.     

Terrorism in Colombia: Logic and Sources of a Multidimensional and Ubiquitous Phenomenon

This article examines contemporary uses of terrorism in Colombia. Combining an historical analysis with the most complete database available on political violence, we illustrate how terrorism in Colombia constitutes a specific strategy that can be distinguished from other manifestations of violence. We argue that Colombia's non-state armed groups have turned terrorism into a pivotal element of their repertoires of action. These parties have not only increased their reliance on this strategy and introduced more refined forms such as de-territorialized terrorism, but also have specialized in particular terrorist attacks that suit their general objectives. While paramilitary groups rely mostly on massacres and forced disappearance, guerrillas concentrate on agitational terrorism including kidnappings and indiscriminate bombings.     

The Mundane Experience of Political Culture

In light of the foreign interference in the 2016 U.S. elections, the present research asks the question of whether the digital media has become the stealth media for anonymous political campaigns. By utilizing a user-based, real-time, digital ad tracking tool, the present research reverse engineers and tracks the groups (Study 1) and the targets (Study 2) of divisive issue campaigns based on 5 million paid ads on Facebook exposed to 9,519 individuals between September 28, 2016, and November 8, 2016. The findings reveal groups that did not file reports to the Federal Election Commission (FEC)—nonprofits, astroturf/movement groups, and unidentifiable “suspicious” groups, including foreign entities—ran most of the divisive issue campaigns. One out of six suspicious groups later turned out to be Russian groups. The volume of ads sponsored by non-FEC groups was 4 times larger than that of FEC groups. Divisive issue campaigns clearly targeted battleground states, including Pennsylvania and Wisconsin where traditional Democratic strongholds supported Donald Trump by a razor-thin margin. The present research asserts that media ecology, the technological features and capacity of digital media, as well as regulatory loopholes created by Citizens United v. FEC and the FEC’s disclaimer exemption for digital platforms contribute to the prevalence of anonymous groups’ divisive issue campaigns on digital media. The present research offers insight relevant for regulatory policy discussion and discusses the normative implications of the findings for the functioning of democracy.