The broadcast media: A persuasive institution

At present, the broadcast media (radio and television) because of their pervasive presence in society are a “taken‐for‐granted” part of the social environment, as natural as the air one breathes. The persuasive power of the media is not so readily ascertained by all who watch and listen. Looking at the growth and spread of the media in three highly industrialized countries, namely Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States, each with its own particular broadcast system, one can see the variety of emphasis on commercial and public broadcasting. Since the media have more in common with interpersonal communication than they have differences, the public is constantly open to media messages, continuously processing as well as responding to information received via media sources. The persuasive effect of these broadcast media in terms of the latent function of commercial messages needs deep and careful analysis.     

Excavating Concealed Tradeoffs: How Russians Watch the News

Citizens in democracies are expected to make better decisions if they understand policy tradeoffs. However, politicians rarely have incentives to communicate them; citizens are uncomfortable choosing among valued outcomes; and devising a common metric is difficult. It is not surprising that in the United States the environment provides relatively little cuing or priming of tradeoffs in television news. Russian citizens, on the other hand, face a media environment in which tradeoff cuing is intentionally suppressed by owners' agendas, yet viewers detect concealed tradeoffs even in the absence of tradeoff priming and viewpoint diversity. Analysis of discourse among ordinary Russians in 16 focus groups convened in four cities, differentiated by political reform and media market environments, showed that when watching news in which tradeoffs are thoroughly concealed, viewers challenge stories by offering a broad spectrum of uncued tradeoffs. Tradeoffs come from diverse policy domains and represent a range of cognitive strategies, some of which are considerably more abstract than others and link elements of their observations and assumptions (together with what they can extract from the stories) into complex reasoning outcomes.     

Explaining interest group access to parliamentary committees

This article explains why parliamentary groups invite interest groups to the parliamentary arena. It argues that interest groups’ access to committees not only reflects policy-makers’ need for information and expertise but also party preferences and institutional factors such as the type of government, parliamentary committee structure and committee agenda capacity. Results show that interest groups’ access to the parliamentary arena increases under minority governments, in the case of highly conflictual issues, and when the number of permanent committees increases. Also, results demonstrate that parliamentary groups invite interest organisations following different logics – problem-solving or confrontation logic – depending on the type of functions they have to perform – legislative and oversight activities. The article uses a novel, comprehensive database with information on the appearances of all interest groups in the Spanish parliament from 1996 to 2015.     

川东革命老区妇女当下生活状况研究

川东革命老区妇女群体为苏区的巩固和发展、工农红军的长征行动作出了巨大的贡献和牺牲。针对川东革命老区妇女当下生活状况,从个人基本情况、对革命老区传统的认识和认知、婚姻家庭、劳动、业余生活、女性意识状况6个方面的实地考察和问卷调查的结果表明,长期生活在川东革命老区的女性群体的当下生活正处于传统和现代生活并存并缓慢过渡的状态、多级交错状态、现代生活边缘化状态。     

Regions with regionalism? The rescaling of interest groups in six European states

In many European countries a regional or meso level of government has emerged, with significant policy responsibilities. It has been suggested that the representation of social and economic interests has not followed, so that policy communities remain state‐wide, giving ‘regions without regionalism’. This study of interest groups in six European states examines their adaptation to devolution, focusing on organisation, cognitive change and relationships. It finds there has been a regionalisation of interest representation, but it is uneven, depending on the strength of regional government, territorial identities and the interests of social actors. Business, trades unions, farmer organisations and environmental groups are all cross‐pressured on the regional question. The region is emerging in some cases as a site of interest intermediation. Territorial policy communities are emerging in some regions, but in most cases these supplement, rather than replace, state‐wide policy communities.     

Ethnoregionalist Politics From a Structuralist Perspective： Social Identities,Functional and Territorial Cleavages,and the Political Preferences of Minorities

This paper examines the nature and intensity of regional and ethnic minority demands on the example of voting preferences for ethnoregionalist parties in select regions across Europe. It argues that territorial distinctiveness and cultural identities are insufficient to explain minority demands for political representation. The political preferences of ethnoregional groups reflect overlapping and cross-cutting functional, territorial, and symbolic differences, which collectively form the determinants of electoral support for ethnoregionalist parties across Europe. The relative weight and additive effects of territorial and functional cleavages may vary according to national context but the pattern is consistent. The paper conducts cross-national comparison of representative territorial structures spanning across the West-East divide in European studies by including regional configurations in Western Europe （Scotland in the UK and Flanders in Belgium） and ethnic minorities in Eastern Europe （the Hungarian minority in Romania and the ethnic Turkish minority in Bulgaria）. The findings suggest that ethnoregional groups do not necessarily pursue cultural distinctiveness and/or regional autonomy. They are also likely to seek representation and access to government based on socioeconomic status, ideology, and political attitudes. Ethnoregionalist demands for representation thus reflect the growing overlap between the territorial, cultural, and ideological aspects of political conflict.     

线聚焦显微激光拉曼光谱技术区分激光打印墨粉

目的利用Renishaw InVia激光显微拉曼光谱仪对打印墨粉进行区分。方法用785nm激发波长,采取线聚焦模式,50倍物镜条件下,测定了惠普等8个品牌25种硒鼓型号的30份激光打印机打印墨迹样品的拉曼光谱。结果 30种样品墨迹的谱图进行了分析,根据拉曼的异同,可将30种样品分为5大类。结论线聚焦显微激光拉曼光谱可用于区分不同种类激光打印墨粉。     

论城镇化建设中广西民族城镇城市意象的塑造

城镇化是衡量一个国家或地区经济社会发展水平的重要标志,广西的民族城镇化建设是关系到广西协调发展,增强民族城镇的竞争力、保护民族文化的重要课题。依据凯文.林奇的城市意象理论来分析,广西的城市意象要素类型齐全,但城镇形态风貌日渐趋同,民族个性逐步淡化。民族特色是民族城镇可意象性的重要因素,广西的城镇建设须避免盲目地追求现代化而丢掉了自身的民族文化底蕴,应结合广西民族城镇的实际,塑造富有民族特色的城市意象。     

制度化与有效性的平衡——领导小组与政府部门协调机制研究

探寻制度化且行之有效的政府部门协调机制对于提高当下中国国家治理能力至关重要。普遍存在于各级政府机构的领导小组因其独特的组织和权力结构而成为中国政治运行的重要节点,能够高效地集中行政资源,处理跨部门、跨区域的公共事务。随着现代国家的理性化成长,领导小组也呈现出制度化趋势,为建构适合中国国情、制度化与有效性俱强的政府部门协调机制提供了契机。     

流动人口高危人群管控机制研究

流动人口在促进我国城市建设和社会经济发展的同时,流动人口中高危人群犯罪现象也十分严重。课题组对其犯罪行为进行了分析,发现各地区的流动人口高危人群有着共同的犯罪特点,如犯罪类型以侵财犯罪为主,犯罪高发时间多数在元旦后春节前,犯罪人员文化水平不高,犯罪人员居住地点多数选择在出租房内等。针对流动人口高危人群犯罪的特点,公安机关应当建立科学有效的管控机制,如信息化管控机制,案件发生快速反应机制和社会综合治理管控机制。