中产阶级与市民社会和民主化──东南亚中产阶级兴起及其影响探析

本文通过社会学的角度对东南亚中产阶级存在现状进行分析考察，认为伴随着东南亚国家经济的迅速发展，这些国家的社会结构也发生了极大的变化，主要表现为中产阶级力量的发展壮大，这一变化促进了东南亚国家市民社会的发展。他们逐渐在政治上具有了一定的表现要求和能力，要求社会更加民主化。现阶段主要表现为各种非政府组织（ＮＧＯ）崛起，这推动了社会民主化进程向更高层次发展，但是由于东南亚中产阶级力量弱小和自身局限以及政府、传统政治文化影响，决定了东南亚国家民主化发展进程将是一个长期、渐进的发展历程。     

性别视野中的女学生之死——以五四时期李超为中心

北京女子高等师范学校学生李超为争取平等的教育权,与传统家庭不断抗争,不幸病死.这一悲剧经由追悼会、媒体报道逐渐转化成一起公共事件,引发有关妇女命运及其解放的热烈讨论,并由此产生多种文本.而文本制造者的不同性别、身份又导致各自论述中存在某些差异.李超事件的发生,呈现出五四时期社会性别关系的复杂面貌.在诉诸于制度变革之外,妇女解放仍需要女性自主意识的觉醒和女性力量的增强.     

损伤皮肤中白三烯B_4含量测定与损伤时间推断

本文作者利用高压液相色谱,快速检测大鼠皮肤切创创缘组织中白三烯B_4含量。结果发现,生前各损伤时间组创缘中白三烯B_4含量明显升高,且在1小时内与损伤时间有一定线性关系;死后损伤标本未见白三烯B_4含量升高。由此表明白三烯B_4含量测定,对推断生前1小时内的损伤时间有重要价值。高压液相色谱能快速、准确地检测损伤组织中的白三烯B_4。     

我国理论界社会分层理论的历史演进

建国后,我国社会分层的理论研究经历了五个阶段。新中国成立至1957年是阶级分层阶段;1957－1978年是政治分层阶级;1978至80年代中期,政治分层又向“客观的阶级结构”回归;80年代中期至90年代初,我国社会出现了贫富差距的大讨论,90年代至今,我国分层研究分析模型具有了明显的多元化趋势。     

Social Support: A Mediator between Child Maltreatment and Developmental Outcomes

The purpose of the current study was to investigate the relationship between child maltreatment, social support, and developmental outcomes in first-year college students. Participants were 202 undergraduate students (137 female, 65 male) who completed surveys at two time points: once before entering college and once during their first year of college. It was hypothesized that child maltreatment would predict poorer developmental outcomes in adolescence and early adulthood, but that social support would mediate this relationship. Results indicated that child maltreatment related negatively to developmental outcomes and to perceived social support; adolescent and young adult development related positively to perceived social support. In addition, a mediational model in which social support mediates child maltreatment and developmental outcomes was supported.

Does China’s middle class think and act democratically? Attitudinal and behavioral orientations toward urban self-government

In the West, the middle class has been considered a potent agent of the sociopolitical transition toward democracy and the cornerstone of democratic rule. Does a middle class in China think and act democratically and hence serve as the harbinger of democratic change in that country? This study attempts to answer this critical question by examining the attitudinal and behavioral orientations of middle-class individuals toward grassroots self-government in urban China. It is based on data collected from a representative-sample survey conducted in Beijing. The findings indicate that China’s middle class expects grassroots self-government to be formed in a democratic way; yet the middle class is critical of the currently-implemented self-government system because it is not organized as democratically as they expect, and therefore the middle class is less likely to participate in the system. These findings have significant implications for the role of the Chinese middle class in the democratization of China.     

Precarity,Cognitive (Non-)Resistance and the Conservative Working Class in China

ABSTRACT

Workers’ resistance is crucial to understanding how the working class respond to the growing labour precarity in post-socialist China. The labour studies literature posits that inequality and volatile capital movements increase workers’ precarity and lead to stronger labour resistance, such as strikes. However, workers’ cognition as an integral part of resistance has been rarely studied. This article examines cognitive resistance by Chinese workers from different tier cities by looking at their social trust, class identity, understanding of policies and class solidarity. Despite capital movements and precarity causing more labour unrest, it does not necessarily lead to a stronger cognitive resistance. While inequality and precarity are greater in the more developed megacities with a shifting capital favourability, workers in megacities display a more conservative cognitive resistance than those from the lower-tier cities. This study of workers’ cognitive resistance provides insight into the future of the Chinese labour movement. It argues that the working class’s current cognitive non-resistance suggests that even if a window of opportunity were to appear in the wall of state oppression, workers are not cognitively prepared to coalesce into a coherent social movement that would bring about transformative changes.     

五四时期国人生育观念的嬗变

五四时期是近代社会和思想文化发生重要变革的时期,是妇女解放运动得到空前广泛深入发展的时期。人们探讨妇女问题涉及到许多方面,其中包括生育节制问题。一些开明人士就生育节制对于妇女解放、社会进步和人种改良的意义提出了有价值的看法,在推动妇女解放运动和社会变迁方面发挥了积极作用。     

行帮对早期工人运动的影响

行帮是中国历史上曾普遍存在的一种社会团体组织。在早期工人运动中行帮是工人运动的主要组织者,是早期工人组织的主要参照模式;同时,由于行帮狭隘的利益,又影响了工人阶级的内部团结,为早期工人运动带来了诸多负面影响。行帮抵御了近代中国资本主义发展的冲击,表现出较强生命力。行帮既是中国社会进入危机阶段的伴生物,也是中国独特的近代工业发展进程和近代工人阶级队伍形成样式的社会后果,旧式行帮的延续也同时反映了中国特有的"同乡文化"的影响。     

不断增强党的阶级基础和扩大党的群众基础的政治意蕴

"三个代表"要求加强和改进党的建设,必须强调党的阶级性和群众性,因为党的阶级性是党的先进性的根本依托,群众性是党的先进性的重要支点,阶级性和群众性的有机结合是"三个代表"要求的生动体现。