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991.
程金生 《政法学刊》2009,26(1):109-114
警察文化是警察队伍建设的重要构成部分。它必须突破单一的阶级性,使警察文化的社会性彰显出来。通过国家观探寻警察文化阶级性与警察文化人类社会性之间的张力关系,并从历史观来确立审理警察文化的形上视角,明确走向人类社会深处是警察文化建设的方向选择,而警察主体精神世界的建构则是警察文化建设的突破口。这既是历史观决定的结果,也是文化本性的内在要求,还是社会治安治理的社会本性使然。  相似文献   
992.
文检仪显现同种同色掩盖字迹条件的初探   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
目的研究运用文检仪显现同种同色掩盖字迹的显出条件。方法以黑色签字笔为例,依据不同型号笔的油墨在不同光源下的荧光性质和红外吸收能力的差异,利用文检仪进行分析检验。结果只有在一定条件下被掩盖字迹才能被显出。结论在LUMI=IR红外荧光(兰光)下,只能显现激发荧光的油墨掩盖不能激发荧光的油墨的字迹和激发荧光能力弱的油墨掩盖激发荧光能力强的油墨的字迹;在红外吸收光和365nm长波紫外表面光下,只能显现颜色浅的油墨掩盖颜色深的油墨的字迹。  相似文献   
993.
当代中国法律本质理论研究重述   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
彭中礼 《时代法学》2009,7(4):25-34
当代中国法理学的发展与法律本质理论的变迁与进步有着千丝万缕的联系。我国学者从坚持法律的阶级性,到认可法律是阶级性与社会性的统一,再到承认法律本质的层次论,法律本质理论在争鸣和反思中不断丰富。在此基础上,本文从研究意义、逻辑起点、基本工具、经世目的等方面对法律本质研究进行了再思考,最终认为,正义才是法律的本质。  相似文献   
994.
Motivated by a recent World Bank report on achieving of Millennium Development Goals which shows that poverty has been declining in all regions of the world with the exception of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), this study puts some empirical structure to theoretical and qualitative studies on the reconciliation of the Beijing model with the Washington Consensus. It tests the hypothesis that compared to middle-income countries, low-income countries would achieve more inclusive development by focusing on economic governance as opposed to political governance. The empirical evidence is based on interactive and noninteractive fixed effects regressions and 49 countries in SSA for the period 2000–2012. The findings confirm the investigated hypothesis. As the main policy implication, in order to address inclusive development challenges in the post-2015 development agenda in SSA, it would benefit low-income countries in the subregion to prioritize economic governance. Other theoretical and practical contributions are also discussed.  相似文献   
995.
In his essay ‘The “Uncanny”’, Sigmund Freud claims that ‘the double was originally an insurance against the extinction of the self’. The author suggests that literary writing, particularly memoir, can perform a kind of doubling, enacting this ‘self-preservation’ through ‘self-observation’. In her memoir Why Be Happy When You Can Be Normal?, Jeannette Winterson seeks to convey a ‘doubleness at the heart of things’. The author argues that this ‘doubleness’ functions on two levels, both of narrative and of politics—Winterson’s preoccupation with her subjectivity is informed by politics and her politics are structured around her subjectivity. In order to think through the text’s focus on what the author deems maternal melancholy and ambivalence, the author considers how political melancholy works through and against Winterson’s desires for self-creation. Attending to the themes of writing, loss, adoption and depression throughout, the author sustains a class analysis that is motivated by a queer feminist approach. The author argues that the text works to recall the poor/working-class body into the narrative of the bourgeois subject in order to legitimate the present self—the double—both as exceptional and as different from the other.  相似文献   
996.
This article draws on findings from an auto/biographical study about relationships with food to demonstrate how everyday foodways continue to be influenced by the intersectionalities of gender and class. Following Bourdieu [1984. Distinction, a social critique of the judgement of taste. London: Routledge] how ‘foodies’ use food and foodways (the production, preparation, serving and eating of food) as a material and cultural display of capital (Johnston, J., & Baumann, S. 2010. Foodies, democracy and distinction in the gourmet kitchen. London: Routledge) or even ‘culinary capital’ (Naccarato, P., & LeBesco, K. 2012. Culinary capital. London: Berg) has been demonstrated. There has been less work exploring how mothers use ‘feeding the family’ (DeVault, M. I. 1991. Feeding the family. London: University of Chicago Press) as a source of cultural capital for themselves. Three-quarters of the 75 respondents in my UK study were parents and all mothers with dependant children fed their family ‘healthy’ food as a means of performing a particular middle-class habitus. I therefore examine how mothers engaged in ‘healthy’ foodwork as a means of positioning themselves as ‘good’ mothers or ‘yummy mummies’ (Allen, K., & Osgood, J. 2009. Studies in the Maternal, 1). Indeed, despite decades of gender equality in the public sphere and neo-liberal assertions regarding individualism, ‘feeding the family’ (DeVault, 1991) continues to be a highly gendered activity, with the added pressure of now having to provide ‘healthy’ food cooked from scratch. In these accounts, convenience foods and/or ‘unhealthy’ family foodways were vilified and viewed with disgust, with an adherence to ‘healthy’ family foodways used as a means of drawing boundaries within fields of ‘organised striving’ (Martin, J. 2011. On the explanation of social action, Chicago: University of Chicago Press; Savage, M., & Silva, E. B. 2013. Cultural Sociology, 7, 111–126). This article considers ‘healthy’ foodwork as a significant aspect of ‘good’ middle-class mothering, whereby ‘healthy’ family foodways become significant in the performance and display of ‘proper’ middle-class femininity that pathologises alternative family foodways and ‘other’ femininities. This serves to illuminate continuities within the intersectionalities of gender and class, with a commitment to ‘healthy’ family foodways central to ‘future oriented’ (middle classed) maternal identity.  相似文献   
997.
In 2000 the city of Johannesburg adopted the vision of becoming a World Class African City (WCAC). Since then Johannesburg has been energetically promoted in accordance with this vision. The tagline ‘world-class African city’ is now used in the branding of the city. It has become a major signifier on its logo and a notable catchphrase in its radio adverts of its brand. However, the nested opposition of the ‘world-class’ and ‘African’ discourse has not been explicitly defined in the vision beyond their simplistic connection. Many people have found the vision puzzling and some have questioned its claims. This paper explores the conundrum that lies in the nested opposition of the ‘world-class’ and ‘African’ discursive currents. It identifies the ‘global’ and ‘local’ discursive forces (in the country) which were formative in the creation of the vision. It looks at how the intersection of global and African discursive fronts has become leverage for generating hybrid cultural/cosmopolitan identities. The thrust of the paper is that the urban practices and landscapes of post-apartheid Johannesburg are enacted and re-enacted together with the inspiration, signification and/or representation of the city vision.  相似文献   
998.
It is commonplace for observers to see the increasingly prominent role of the BRICS in international economic and political affairs as a Southern challenge to global capitalism and the power of the core Trilateral nation-states. Extant accounts remain mired in a tenacious realist debate over the extent to which the BRICS are challenging the prevailing international order. I suggest that we shift the paradigmatic focus in discussion of the BRICS phenomenon towards a global capitalism perspective that breaks with such a nation-state/inter-state framework. Global integration and transnational capitalist class formation has advanced significantly in the BRICS. BRICS protagonism is aimed less at challenging the prevailing international order than at opening up space in the global system for more extensive integration and a less asymmetric global capitalism. The article examines agricultural subsidies, US–China relations and international trade agreements as empirical reference points in arguing that the concept of the transnational state provides a more satisfying explanatory framework for understanding the BRICS phenomenon than the variety of realist approaches. By misreading the BRICS critical scholars and the global left run the risk of becoming cheerleaders for repressive states and transnational capitalists in the South. We would be better off by a denouement of the BRICS states and siding with ‘BRICS from below’ struggles of popular and working class forces.  相似文献   
999.
1000.
《政策研究评论》2018,35(2):302-325
The international community has advocated the adoption of climate‐smart agriculture (CSA) as lower‐income countries deal with the negative consequences of climate change. Scaling up such policies, practices, and programs successfully will require support from a variety of local stakeholders. Such support requires alignment between CSA solutions and the problem understandings of stakeholders. However, problem understandings can differ across individuals, stakeholder groups, and geographic areas. Consequently, we examine understandings of climate problems and socioeconomic and infrastructure problems related to agriculture among different stakeholder groups in Uganda and Senegal. We operationalized and measured these problem understandings following the detailed guidance of the political will and public will approach for analyzing social change. Semistructured interviews elicited stakeholder‐generated lists of problems for each group. Limited quantification of problem understandings and their relative importance or “ripeness” demonstrates how contexts might shape opportunities for CSA.  相似文献   
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