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12.
王十一 《北京人民警察学院学报》2005,(3):16-18
目前,外国记者非法采访处置工作存在着法律、法规不健全,缺乏可操作性;思想观念落后,对外国记者的认识片面;现场处置不规范,易授人以柄,造成被动;处置工作模式化,缺乏横向协作等问题.应该针对这些问题,结合新形势下首都公安工作的特点进一步做好外国记者非法采访处置工作. 相似文献
13.
张晓敏 《广东行政学院学报》2006,18(2):49-53
人的全面发展是社会主义和谐社会的时代内涵。建设社会主义和谐社会与促进人的全面发展互为前提和基础,二者是一个相辅相成、互动共进的统一过程。实现和促进人的全面发展是构建社会主义和谐社会的出发点和必由之路。 相似文献
14.
Conflicts in the 21st century differ from past conflicts based on two central factors: the level of asymmetry and disparity between the actors taking part in the conflict and the amount of foreign media coverage that a conflict receives. This article aims to develop a new theoretical perspective on the implications of these two factors on how the involved states manage a conflict. Most actors in current conflicts have vast levels of disparity and receive extensive media coverage; events in those conflicts are referred to as occurrences in the “information space” because a conflict's borders are anywhere people can receive information about it. “Imagefare”—the use of images as a guiding principle or a substitute for traditional military means to achieve political objectives—is argued to be the main tool for better facing adversaries in the information space. 相似文献
15.
目的探讨ITO法和判别函数法在全同胞鉴定中的应用价值。方法根据342对全同胞和3 900对无关个体的19、21、39、51个常染色STR基因座的分型结果,采用ITO法计算全同胞关系指数(FSI)。用SPSS软件Fisher判别分析法,分别建立lg FSI全同胞-无关个体的判别函数。结果每组全同胞对和无关个体对的lg FSI符合正态分布,具有显著性差异。在19、21、39、51个STR基因座,全同胞组判别函数分别为L同胞=1.666 6×lg FSI-5.208 0,L同胞=1.643 9×lg FSI-5.512 0,L同胞=1.569 4×lg FSI-8.076 4,L同胞=1.480 7×lg FSI-9.860 9;无关个体组分别为L无关=-1.346 1×lg FSI-3.638 5,L无关=-1.330 9×lg FSI-3.851 7,L无关=-1.319 2×lg FSI-5.910 2,L无关=-1.273 8×lg FSI-7.477 6。平均错判率分别为:1.361 9%、1.228 5%、0.438 6%和0.146 2%。结论 ITO判别函数法在全同胞-无关个体鉴定中具有很高的应用价值,且检测基因座越多,系统效能越高,并能降低错判风险。 相似文献
16.
连春亮 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2010,9(2):43-45
社区矫正工作者在对矫正对象的执行刑罚、监督管理、矫正教育、危机干预、社会救助等活动中.必须在不同的工作层面上,树立以人为本、全员参与、服务矫正对象、消除犯因性问题、安全和秩序、构建和谐社区等工作理念,以提高社区矫正工作的效能和对矫正对象矫正的质量。 相似文献
17.
基于《监察法》的宪法性法律地位和全面依法治国方略等理论基点,《监察法》的有效实施需《刑法》与之有机衔接。然而,《刑法》在相应职务犯罪主体及相关犯罪对象、罪名体系、刑罚配置和认罪认罚从宽规定等方面,存在与《监察法》不相对接的诸多问题,使得依《监察法》意图实现的监察全覆盖等目标难以实现,并会滋生新的权力滥用风险。《监察法》与《刑法》衔接实施以上问题的有效解决,应是基于以上理论基点,通过法律解释和刑法修正的路径,完善《刑法》相应规定的司法适用规则和立法规范设置。 相似文献
18.
梁家奎 《山西警官高等专科学校学报》2010,18(3):78-80
镜面上的汗液手印,用传统短波紫外照相方法的操作过程比较复杂。Andor全波段CCD照相系统是目前比较先进的照相设备,利用Andor全波段CCD照相系统在254nm短波紫外光下拍照镜面上的汗液手印,操作简单、快捷且拍照较果好。 相似文献
19.
Ulises Beltrán 《政治交往》2013,30(1):37-63
In July 2000, the PRI (Institutional Revolutionary Party) lost the presidency of Mexico after 71 years of continuous rule. Research based on individual data obtained with surveys shows that important media effects occurred. Using aggregate data, in this article the author explores the effects of political advertising and media coverage on preferences during the Mexican presidential campaign. Data on voter preferences are taken from results of a trial ballot question in public opinion polls. Data on advertising are measured in gross rating points. Data on media coverage are taken from the monitoring of newscasts on the two major networks. OLS regression models are developed, with preferences as the dependent variable and campaigning differentials as the independent variables. Based on aggregate data, this research shows that in Mexico's 2000 presidential campaign, exposure to political communication led to persuasion, and news appears to have been more important than ads. Political communication was a unified process where ads and news presence acted together in a very interesting fashion, “bounding” each other in periods of major changes in preferences but with news effects prevailing over ads. Qualified news differentials accounted for 20% of the variance in preferences, and ad differentials accounted for 8%. This media effect occurred through a cumulative process where ads and news coverage acted together. 相似文献
20.
Gideon Rahat 《政治交往》2013,30(1):65-80
The relationship between the United States and Iran has had an important influence on world affairs during the past two decades. Accordingly, the U.S. news media have an instrumental role in portraying U.S.‐Iran relations to the public. The Iranian Revolution and hostage crisis of 1979–1981, the TWA hijacking of 1985, the Irangate controversy of 1986–1987, and the Persian Gulf War of 1990–1991 are examples of important media events that have impacted public opinion regarding U.S. policy toward Iran. This research analyzes government and print media portrayals of the Reagan administration's U.S.‐Iran policy during Irangate. Results supported the prediction that the print media would fulfill their “watchdog” function by providing more critical portrayals of the United States' policy toward Iran than the Tower Commission Report, an investigative document published by President Reagan's Special Review Board. Among the three leading newspapers analyzed, there was significant diversity in the reporting of U.S.‐Iran relations. Results indicate the Reagan administration's attempt to “spin” its version of Irangate did not successfully pressure the media to neglect their watchdog role. Although the Tower Commission Report was less critical of U.S. policy toward Iran than the print media, all four print media sources portrayed the Reagan administration's policy as a flawed approach that degenerated into trading arms for hostages. Implications of these findings for future research are discussed. 相似文献