民国时期恐怖活动研究

恐怖活动在中国延续了两千多年后,到民国时期已经比以往任何朝代都有过之而无不及。尽管当时的所有政权都制定反恐法规,采取反恐措施,希望将其消灭或纳入管控范围,但由于各政权自身条件的限制及实施恐怖活动的组织、个人所具有的强势特点,要达到目的并非易事。     

法律绩效评估的“公众参与”模式探讨

法律绩效评估是指法律实施一段时间以后,有关部门、组织或人员对其实施效果等进行评估,分析法律实施过程中的立法问题,从而完善立法。法律绩效评估的公众参与模式强调公众对立法实施效果评估的参与,以获得法律实施的客观、真实的评估信息与结果。法律绩效评估的公众参与模式发挥一定的积极功能如表达利益、整合利益、认同法律、宣传法律等,但也会存在一些技术与制度上的困境。     

Bridging borders through institution-building: the EGTC as a facilitator of institutional integration in cross-border regions

This article examines cross-border integration at the sub-state level in the frame of a European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC). The EGTC is a supranational and directly applicable EU legal instrument that regulates the creation of cross-border ‘associations' with legal personality between public authorities. Thus, it represents a policy tool that can have an effect on the institutional frame of cross-border cooperation and potentially enhance cross-border institutional integration at the sub-state level. The aim of this article is to examine the potential effect of this EU instrument on cross-border institutional integration by studying the institutional architecture of selected EGTCs. This is done on the basis of an analytical grid that defines elements of a possible integration process based on an institutional-oriented approach. This analytical grid is applied to four case studies: the Eurométropole Lille-Kortrijk-Tournai, the EGTC Ister-Granum, the Pyrenees-Mediterranean Euroregion and the European Region Tyrol-South Tyrol-Trentino. The empirical analysis shows that despite the considerable improvement of the legal basis for cooperation, the possible effect of the EGTC for further institutional cross-border integration is still rather limited due to a narrow design of institutions and a low level of actor involvement.     

Politisierung in Vereinen. Eine empirische Studie zum Zusammenhang zwischen der Vereinsmitgliedschaft und der Teilnahme an politischen Diskussionen

Es ist empirisch gut belegt, dass Vereinsmitglieder nicht nur häufiger politisch partizipieren als Nichtmitglieder, sondern dass sie sich auch überdurchschnittlich für Politik interessieren und über Politik diskutieren. In diesem Artikel wird anhand von Analysen zum Zusammenhang zwischen der Vereinsmitgliedschaft und der Teilnahme an politischen Diskussionen gezeigt, dass dieser empirische Befund nur bedingt auf politische Sozialisationseffekte von Freiwilligenorganisationenzurückzuführen ist. Die Ergebnisse von multivariaten Analysen weisen darauf hin, dass nicht die Vereinsmitgliedschaft, sondern eher die politische Frühsozialisation und die Ausbildung zu einer vermehrten Teilnahme an politischen Diskussionen führen. Vereine entfalten primär dann eine politisierende Wirkung, wenn sie die Möglichkeit bieten, Organisations‐ und Kommunikationsfähigkeit en zu erlernen respektive zu kultivieren, oder wenn sie einen Beitrag zur Konfliktfähigkeit ihrer Mitglieder leisten.     

我国黑恶势力犯罪成因分析

从我国黑恶势力犯罪活动的现状来看,黑恶势力犯罪的猖獗是社会原因、个体原因等原发因素与抑制犯罪因素相互作用的结果。     

寻租视野中的涉黑犯罪与腐败

涉黑组织犯罪是世界各国普遍关注的一个严峻的社会问题。近年来,涉黑组织犯罪在我国呈现出日趋泛滥的态势,严重破坏了社会经济生活秩序和政治生活秩序。而寻租活动加剧了腐败的深度和广度。国家必须采取积极的有针对性的措施。     

Overview of: “Getting the Law Involved a Quasi-Experiment in Early Intervention Involving Collaboration Between Schools and the District Attorney's Office”

Research Summary Precursors to serious and chronic delinquency often emerge in childhood, stimulating calls for early interventions. Most intervention efforts rely solely on social service programs—often to the exclusion of the juvenile justice system. The juvenile justice system has been reluctant to become involved in the lives of relatively young children fearing net widening or further straining resources that could be used for older youth with documented delinquency histories. We report here the results of an early intervention program sponsored by and housed in a district attorney's office in Louisiana. Using a quasi-experimental design, we examined outcomes associated with program involvement as well as whether the obvious involvement of the prosecutor's office was associated with further reductions in problem behavior.

• 1 : The results revealed that significant reductions in problem behaviors of young children could be attributed to program participation.
• 2 : The obvious involvement of the district attorney's office, however, was associated with limited, albeit significant, reductions in specific problem behaviors.
• 3 : These findings show that successful early intervention efforts can be made part of the juvenile justice system and that in some limited situations prosecutorial involvement can result in positive outcomes.

Policy Implications The expansion of early intervention programming into the juvenile justice system offers opportunities to address early problem behavior. Our study and its results have the following policy implications.

• 1 : Closely coupled partnerships between schools and the juvenile justice system can effectively address, mitigate, and perhaps prevent an early onset of antisocial behavior.
• 2 : Even so, coupling early intervention efforts to the mission of the juvenile justice system warrants debate. Net-widening, resource diffusion, and the potential for officials to rely too heavily on the deterrent characteristics of the justice system represent serious threats to the integrity of effective early intervention programs.
• 3 : We suggest substantial debate and consideration is given before coupling early intervention efforts to the juvenile justice system.

     

Gang Membership,Drug Selling,and Violence in Neighborhood Context

A prominent perspective in the gang literature suggests that gang member involvement in drug selling does not necessarily increase violent behavior. In addition it is unclear from previous research whether neighborhood disadvantage strengthens that relationship. We address these issues by testing hypotheses regarding the confluence of neighborhood disadvantage, gang membership, drug selling, and violent behavior. A three‐level hierarchical model is estimated from the first five waves of the 1997 National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, matched with block‐group characteristics from the 2000 U.S. Census. Results indicate that (1) gang members who sell drugs are significantly more violent than gang members that don’t sell drugs and drug sellers that don’t belong to gangs; (2) drug sellers that don’t belong to gangs and gang members who don’t sell drugs engage in comparable levels of violence; and (3) an increase in neighborhood disadvantaged intensifies the effect of gang membership on violence, especially among gang members that sell drugs.     

Gang Membership,Gun Carrying,and Employment: Applying Routine Activities Theory to Explain Violent Victimization Among Inner City,Minority Youth Living in Extreme Poverty∗

Conceptual inconsistencies in routine activities theory are illustrated by demonstrating how gang membership, gun carrying, and employment can be categorized as both risk and protective factors in a high‐poverty context. Two waves of longitudinal data from a high‐poverty sample of African American youth were used to examine the determinants of victimization risk. Bivariate analyses indicated that gang membership, gun carrying, and employment status are significant risk factors for violent victimization, but these effects were mediated by measures of lifestyles (e.g., demographic and family factors, deviant lifestyles) included as controls in the full multivariate model. In other words, the strong positive relationship between gang membership and gun carrying found in previous studies may be due to model misspecification and/or the lack of research on high‐poverty samples of inner city youth from the Deep South. Additional logistic regression analyses also indicate that the number of hours employed per week (but not employment status) is a risk factor for violent victimization. Finally, the theoretical implications of these findings for routine activities theory are discussed.