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31.
Jeffrey A. Dodge 《Family Court Review》2006,44(1):87-103
Same‐sex marriage is a contentious, politically charged issue full of diverse, complicated considerations. In 2003, Massachusetts joined the list of jurisdictions to legalize same‐sex marriage, the first in the U.S. Now that same‐sex couples can marry in particular international jurisdictions, governments must address how to sensitively allow these couples to divorce. Same‐sex couples have a unique set of needs and issues, most clearly demonstrated if children are involved in the marriage. This Note argues for the creation of mediation programs in American jurisdictions with same‐sex marriage, to specifically determine child custody agreements upon divorce. 相似文献
32.
Michelle Aulivola 《Family Court Review》2004,42(1):162-177
Studies show that domestic violence among same-sex couples occurs at approximately the same statistical frequency and has many of the same characteristics as domestic violence among heterosexual couples. In addition to the elements involved in domestic violence among heterosexual couples, gays and lesbians face a series of highly specific forms of abuse perpetrated exclusively in same-sex relationships. Yet a severe disparity exists in the services that are available to victims based on which of the two types of relationships they are involved in. In the vast majority of states, family is narrowly defined within domestic violence statutes, precluding gays and lesbians from seeking civil redress for crimes perpetrated against them by their partners. For this reason, it is imperative that state legislatures react to this discrepancy by redrafting domestic violence statutes and defining family more inclusively to provide appropriate protections to victims of same-sex domestic violence. 相似文献
33.
34.
Although domestic violence occurs in all types of relationships, non-prototypical cases (e.g., gay male, lesbian, female-against-male)
are often overlooked. We replicated and extended previous research demonstrating that perceptions of heterosexual and same-sex
domestic violence are generally consistent with gender-role stereotypes. Male and female undergraduates read one of four domestic
abuse cases varying by victim and perpetrator sex and sexual orientation. Victim sex, ratherthan sexual orientation, was the
most potent predictor of responses, although male-against-female violence was considered the most serious and deserving of
active intervention. Domestic violence perpetrated by men or against women was judged more serious than violence perpetrated
by women or against men. Perceptions that male perpetrators were more capable of injuring victims, and female victims were
more likely to suffer serious injury were consistent with gender-role stereotypes. 相似文献
35.
Although their group membership is normatively irrelevant to vote choice, members of politically underrepresented groups (e.g., women, nonwhites, and gays and lesbians) are often evaluated through the prism of their group memberships and related stereotypes when competing for elective office. Because membership in groups defined by gender, race, or ethnicity is easily perceptible, women and nonwhite candidates may have little control over the political effects of their group membership. Membership in groups defined by a candidate's sexual orientation is concealable, in contrast, and thus potentially gives gay and lesbian candidates some control over the impact of their homosexuality and accompanying stereotypes on voters' responses. Using an experimental design, I examine the relationships between timing of group membership disclosure, group stereotypes, candidate sex, and political responses to gay and lesbian candidates for office—taking into consideration voters' attitudes toward homosexuality and their sex. 相似文献
36.
Ralph Sandland 《Feminist Legal Studies》2000,8(2):227-239
This note analyses the decision of the House of Lords in Fitzpatrick, which held that gay partners could fall within the legal definition of ‘family’ for some purposes. The note argues that
despite the real (if overstated) benefits that this case bestows on gay partners in the form of legal rights, under analysis,
the decision self-deconstructs to reveal that it is grounded on the principle of discrimination on the basis of sexuality.
However, it is also suggested that the encounter between discursive legal reasoning (underpinned by normative heterosexuality),
and aversion of the family which is ‘other’ to this discourse, is one which leaves its mark on law, as the potential undermining
or deconstruction of law’s normative assumptions. The note further argues that although this decision is properly seen as
a moment in the struggle for gay rights, it also serves as a reminder that the fortunes of critical theories and political
movements that seek to challenge the legal paradigm of the white, heterosexual male are inextricably linked. Fitzpatrick, whatever else it is, is also an object lesson in the debt that current campaigns for gay legal rights owe to feminist critiques
of, and campaigns that have successfully challenged, the role of this norm in legal discourse.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
37.
This paper examines the temporal meanings of the annual LGBTI pride event, the Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras. Drawing on findings from a large-scale oral history project, the paper explores ways in which Australian lesbians and gay men place Mardi Gras within life narratives. Three temporal frameworks were commonly used by our interviewees. First, Mardi Gras acted as an annual temporal marker through which to plan a year. Second, changing personal understandings of Mardi Gras were used by interviewees to position themselves within the life course. Third, the shifting meanings of Mardi Gras were deployed as a means of narrating broader historical changes in the LGBTI community. We argue that, although lesbian and gay identities might now be considered increasingly mainstream and even “ordinary”, each of these temporal frameworks represents the continued differing experiences of time and space between homosexual and heterosexual lives. 相似文献
38.
Rosemary Auchmuty 《社会福利与家庭法律杂志》2016,38(2):152-174
Between 2012 and 2014 I interviewed some of the earliest civil partners to dissolve their partnerships about their experience of dissolution. When I presented my findings, most family lawyers responded that dissolution was ‘pretty much like divorce’. And so it was, in many respects; but I thought that such comments missed an important difference. This article focuses on the legal understandings of gays and lesbians who have undergone dissolution of their civil partnerships, and on their experiences of it. This seemed to me significant for three reasons. First, the experiences of lesbians and gay men have historically been marginalised, pathologised or absent from legal accounts and the dominant legal consciousness. In this research they would be put centre-stage. Second, the institution of civil partnership – transient though it may turn out to be – deserves study as the point of entry into legal recognition and regulation of same-sex couples’ relationships in the UK. And, third, it is this precise history that makes it different from marriage, and dissolution different from divorce, whatever the similarities in legal treatment. 相似文献
39.
Various scholars have noted the priority given to law in the politics of hate violence; violence is the problem and law, more
specifically the criminal law, the solution at the ‘heart’ of society. This article seeks to explore some of the gaps and
silences in the existing literature and politics that mobilize these ideas and associations. It is the gap sand silences associated
with demands for and expectations of criminal justice that will be the particular concern of this article. The demand for
law is examined by way of David Garland's recent work on the culture of crime control. His work offers an analysis of the
contemporary place of crime control in Anglo-American liberal democracies. A distinctive feature of his analysis is to be
found in the way it maps an important paradox of contemporary crime control; its political centrality and an increasing recognition
of its limitations. Garland's ‘criminology of the self’ and the ‘criminology of the other’ raise some important challenges
for those who advocate resort to crime control. My particular concern is to consider the significance of Garland's work for
a contemporary sexual politics that puts violence and criminal justice at the heart of that politics. Feminist, gay and lesbian
scholarship first on criminal justice and second, on violence and law will be used to develop a critical dialogue with Garland's
analysis and to reflect upon the challenges raised by his insights into contemporary crime control.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
40.
Susan C. Turell 《Journal of family violence》2000,15(3):281-293
This study contributed to the data about same-sex relationship violence with a large sample (n = 499) of ethnically diverse gay men, lesbians, and bisexual and transgendered people. Physical violence was reported in 9% of current and 32% of past relationships. One percent of participants had experienced forced sex in their current relationship. Nine percent reported this experience in past relationships. Emotional abuse was reported by 83% of the participants. Women reported higher frequencies than men for physical abuse, coercion, shame, threats, and use of children for control. Across types of abuse, ethnic differences emerged regarding physical abuse and coercion. Differences across age groups were found regarding coercion, shame, and use of children as tools. Higher income was correlated with increased threats, stalking, sexual, physical, and financial abuses. Preliminary patterns of same-sex relationship abuses were examined for bisexual and transgendered people. 相似文献