现实社会中性别意识的盲点

用性别意识的眼光审视我们的现实社会 ,会发现无论是在社会参与上、大众传媒中 ,还是广大公众中都不同程度地存在着性别意识的盲点或误区。这些盲点或误区已严重影响女性发展 ,阻碍社会进步 ,因此我们不能等闲视之。     

A Test of Generalizability of the Social Development Model Across Gender and Income Groups with Longitudinal Data from the Elementary School Developmental Period

The social development model (SDM) is a theory of behavior that has proven useful in explaining the etiology of delinquency, violence, and substance use among adolescents as well as early antisocial behavior among pre-adolescents. A further test of the model is its generalizability across population groups. A section of the SDM representing prosocial influences in the etiology of problem behavior was compared for boys and girls and for children from low- and non low-income families using three waves of child, parent and teacher survey data on a sample of 851 elementary school students. Multiple group structural equation modeling was used to assess differences across groups in both measurement of model constructs and hypothesized structural paths between constructs. The results indicate overall similarity in the reliability of measurement models and validity of structural models.     

评价性别平等的标准及存在的问题

评价性别平等,以社会标准,是在社会生活的各个方面,女性与男性享有同等的权利和义务。然而由于个体的差异,还存在一个个人的标准,即个体对平等的主观感受和评价。不同标准的矛盾产生了一些问题,如性别意识的弱化、性别不平等的加剧以及对男性不平等的忽视。本文讨论了这几方面的问题并提出一些看法。     

从性别视角对性骚扰立法模式的反思

性骚扰是涉及人格尊严与人身权利的重要法律问题。综观中国有关切实保障公民人身权益的法律法规,发现尚缺少社会性别视角,亦缺少具体有效、操作性强的规定。已启动的立法举措具有立法视角与思路的突破,标志着性骚扰成为受社会与法律制约的行为,但性骚扰立法仍缺少系统科学立法模式的统筹。笔者认为应创建性骚扰立法模式,制定统一的反性骚扰法案,以预防与制止性骚扰。     

公私领域划分与国际法中的性别歧视

国际法通过公私领域的划分确定其管辖范围,并避免干涉主权国家的内政。女性主义者指出,这种划分包含着对女性的规范性歧视和结构性歧视。国际法的基本术语如国家、主权等,排除了国际法对国内违反人权事项的管辖,维护了男性在国内的特权地位。在国际人权法领域,在确定是否给予女性以人权保护时,也是以维护男性利益为出发点。女性主义方法揭示了国际法中存在的性别歧视,但该方法也存在许多问题,需要加以注意。     

DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IN SAME‐GENDER RELATIONSHIPS

Physical violence occurs in 11–12% of same‐gender couples, which suggests that domestic violence is an abuse of power that can happen in any type of intimate relationship, regardless of gender or sexual orientation. Although incidents of violence occur at the same rate in same‐gender couples and cross‐gender couples, the violence appears to be milder in same‐gender couples and it is unclear what percentage of same‐gender violence should be characterized as abuse or intimate terrorism. Same‐gender victims also suffer from the additional stress of severe isolation and the abuser's threats to expose the victim's sexual orientation in a hostile manner.     

妇联在承担政府推进性别平等职能中的作用研究

文章从背景和依据、职能内容、作用与成效方面探讨妇联在承担政府推进性别平等职能的作用问题。认为其作用主要体现在:参与立法促进法律的性别平等、在制定和实施有关妇女的规划中推进性别平等、推动男女平等基本国策的宣传和倡导、在中外交流与合作中促进中国妇女/性别平等发展和扩大国际影响、促进家庭性别平等和改善女童发展环境。     

下岗女工再就业服务研究:以天津市妇联再就业服务为例

文章以天津市妇联为个案,应用摩塞框架对妇联的下岗女工再就业服务进行了社会性别分析,目的是探讨下岗女工再就业服务在推进性别平等和社会性别主流化方面的作用和影响,反思再就业政策的取向。     

The Experience of Women Regarding Chilean Government Measures during the COVID-19 Pandemic

This study explores the experience of ten possible beneficiaries of the measures provided by the Chilean government during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic through remote semi-structured interviews. The results show a scenario of improvisation. Instead of relying on solid gender equity policies, a patchwork of focused measures was implemented, which increased uncertainty and vulnerability. As a result, women experienced sorrow and despair while facing economic constraints and care tasks mostly on their own. This article shows that care remains invisible in politics while overwhelmingly evident at home. Social care policies are urgently needed.     

Jurisprudential Dilemmas of European Law

Making a first sketch of philosophical issues arising fromEuropean Community law I want to present a series ofmore or less obvious, and more or less interrelated dilemmas,or even double binds.(i) Deepening the community becomes incompatible withwidening membership. (ii) National states seem bothnecessary for and obstructive in articulating transnationalproblems. (iii) The more democracy is needed as a warrantfor the public exercise of political power in Europe, themore the very concept of democracy on a European scaleevades understanding. (iv) European unity presupposes aunifying rule of law, while member states have radicallydifferent conceptions of this principle. (v) Even the verycore of European integration, the common market, is subjectto two conflicting and, indeed, incompatible doctrines ofcompetition. In explaining the nature of each dilemma I willtry to take my cue from the Maastricht Treaty wherever thisseems suitable. Then I will elaborate on the jurisprudentialproblems involved in it. Finally, each section will be closedby an attempt to state the nature of these problems inphilosophical terms.