Squeezed Out? The Liberal Democrats and the 2019 General Election

The 2019 general election was a crushing disappointment for the Liberal Democrats, as Jo Swinson lost her East Dunbartonshire seat to the SNP and the party’s anti-Brexit stance failed to deliver gains from the Conservatives. Although the Liberal Democrats’ poor performance can partly be blamed on a misfiring campaign strategy, it also reflected the structural difficulties which the party faces in an increasingly polarised political environment. The polarisation of public opinion along multiple axes over the last decade—over austerity, Brexit, and attitudes to Jeremy Corbyn—has fractured the broad coalition of support which the Liberal Democrats assembled during the 1990s and 2000s. Analysis of the 2019 results suggest that the party has made some progress towards developing a new core vote, particularly among suburban Remainers in south east England, but it is not clear whether this will be large or robust enough to have a significant impact on the future of British politics.     

《反不正当竞争法》一般条款与网络条款关系的界定

2017年新修订的《反不正当竞争法》是在改进原本《反不正当竞争法》在实践中所出现的问题之后的创新与发展,是《反不正当竞争法》的一次跨越和迈进。然而,《反不正当竞争法》的修订同时也为司法实践带来了全新的难题与挑战,如何看待一般条款与网络条款、如何处理一般条款与网络条款的适用关系等问题亟待找到一个合理的解决出口。     

论商法通则的立法定位及其逻辑展开

立法定位既是商法通则立法的基点和逻辑起点,亦是指导商法通则司法适用的线索和指南。从商法通则和《民法总则》的关系、自身属性、适用对象三方面考虑,商法通则应当是“补充法”“权利法”和“裁判法”。制定商法通则不是对民法典“民商合一”立法体制的否定,恰恰是对民法典的必要“补充”和有益“完善”;商法通则的内容设计应当以商事权利为主轴和核心;其规范逻辑结构与构成要素应当符合构成要件—法律后果之要求,以便于法适用和司法裁判。在三者关系上,“补充法”和“裁判法”的商法通则是从“外部”关系进行考虑的;“权利法”是从商法通则“内部”属性来认识的;“权利法”和“补充法”的商法通则是从“静态”视角看待的,“裁判法”是从“动态”适用视角考虑的。     

Was there a ‘Youthquake’ in the 2017 general election?

Studies using data from the British Election Study and the British Social Attitudes survey have concluded that the case for a significant rise in turnout amongst young people at the 2017 general election remains unproven. A limitation of these data sets for assessing the so-called Youthquake thesis is the small number of younger voters they contain. In this research note we use data from the UK Household Longitudinal Survey to produce more robust estimates of turnout amongst people aged under thirty between the 2010, 2015, and 2017 general elections. Our findings support the claim that turnout increased markedly among voters in this age group in 2017. They also demonstrate that the increase in youth turnout was not specific to 2017 but, rather, represented a continuation of a change between 2010 and 2015. Our analysis confirms the heightened importance of age as a predictor of vote choice in 2017, with younger voters significantly more likely to vote Labour compared to 2010 and 2015.     

农业农村优先发展的资源配置逻辑与保障机制

农业农村优先发展是实施乡村振兴战略,加快推进农业农村现代化的根本保障。本文结合当前我国农业农村发展面临的现实矛盾和困境,深入阐述了农业农村优先发展的资源配置逻辑,提出了进一步推进户籍制度改革,加快劳动力非农转移、农民市民化进程;推动农村土地制度改革,促进农地流转及适度规模经营,提高农业劳动生产率;推动农村集体产权制度改革,适应城市资本下乡与农民财产性增收的现实需求;推进农村基本经营制度改革,促进农业社会化服务市场发育,构建小农户与现代农业产业经营的有效衔接机制等优先发展的实践路径和保障机制。     

论西部大开发中的民族问题

西部大开发不仅是重大的经济问题,也是重大的政治问题.民族问题在这项跨世纪战略的实施中具有特殊的地位.我们要从政治上认清西部大开发对从根本上解决我国民族问题的重要意义,增强实施这一战略的自觉性和使命感;把西部大开发的实施与推进民族地区经济社会的全面进步结合起来,以增强少数民族和民族地区的自我发展能力,从而保证实现其最终的目标.     

法家治国方略与秦朝速亡关系的再考察

法家治国方略导致秦朝速亡的通说存在诸多疑问。法家法、势、术相结合的治国方略是以顺应时势、合乎人心的法为基础,以维护和强化君主专制的势为目标,势和术的运用必须建立在法的基础之上,而法和术相结合共同增强势即维护和强化君主专制。秦朝速亡的根本原因是最高统治者对法家治国方略的理解与运用发生严重偏差,从而导致重大政策失误,法、势、术尽失而致灭亡。     

合伙企业承责制度研究

无限连带责任的承责方式是合伙企业生存的条件之一.市场法则从最初的偏重合伙企业的偿还能力变为偏重于其规模效应和服务质量.所以,中介机构性质的合伙企业规模在客观上便要做大做强.可是,合伙企业的无限责任和连带责任并没有改变,在合伙企业做大时,合伙人之间,特别是没有共同服务项目关系的合伙人之间承担无限连带责任便显得危乎高哉.一方面合伙企业要做大才有市场竞争力,另一方面合伙人之间无条件地承担无限连带责任既不公平,也不利于个人财产安全.     

论巴黎协定后北越实行"政治优先"政策的原因

签署巴黎协定之后,北越并没有立即采用军事手段统一南方.虽然北越一直在向南越渗透人员和物资,但是在南越的蚕食行动面前,北越却保持了一种忍让的态度.考虑到当时南北双方的力量对比以及北越以往的进攻态势,它的这种行为是耐人寻味的.北越之所以会这样,一是为了最大限度地利用对自己有利的巴黎协定,二是为了避免美国的再度干涉,三是考虑到自身的实力问题.但这并不代表北越就要放弃统一越南的目标,正好相反,这只是为了实现其目标而采取的一种相当妥当的策略.     

我国民事诉讼法的理念转换与总则的制度重构

民事诉讼制度的完善是构建社会主义和谐社会的一个重要方面。民事诉讼法的修改为回应社会发展的需要,必须首先在诉讼理念上实现根本转变,同时,通过系统且细致的制度建构保障这些新理念的实现。