School Engagement Among Urban Adolescents of Color: Does Perception of Social Support and Neighborhood Safety Really Matter?

In this study we examined the effects of risk factors (perceived neighborhood crime/delinquency problems, neighborhood incivilities) and protective factors (teacher support, family support, peer support) on the school engagement of 123 urban adolescents of color. Age and gender were also examined to determine if different ages (younger or older) or genders (male or female) significantly modified the relationship between the risk factors and school engagement. Results indicated that perceived neighborhood incivilities was uniquely predictive of school engagement. Contrary to hypotheses, different levels of the perceived social support variables did not modify the effects of risky neighborhood conditions on adolescent’s perceived school engagement. Age, but not gender, significantly modified the relationship between perceived family social support and perceived neighborhood crime on adolescents’ reported levels of school engagement. The implications of the results for prevention and intervention programs that address school engagement among early adolescents of color are considered.

Brexit,the 2019 General Election and the Realignment of British Politics

The outcome of the 2019 general election—a resounding Conservative majority and an unprecedented defeat for Labour—delivered a decisive electoral verdict for the first time in recent years following a period where British politics has been characterised by instability and indecision. In this article, we draw on aggregate-level data to conduct an initial exploration of the vote. What was the impact of Brexit on the 2019 general election result? How far has Brexit reshaped electoral politics? Was 2019 a ‘realignment election’? And, if so, what are the implications? With a focus on England and Wales we show that, although the Conservatives made gains deep into Labour’s working class heartlands, these gains have been a long time coming, reflected in Labour’s weakening relationship with working class Britain. As such, 2019 is not a critical election but a continuation of longer-term trends of dealignment and realignment in British politics.     

Squeezed Out? The Liberal Democrats and the 2019 General Election

The 2019 general election was a crushing disappointment for the Liberal Democrats, as Jo Swinson lost her East Dunbartonshire seat to the SNP and the party’s anti-Brexit stance failed to deliver gains from the Conservatives. Although the Liberal Democrats’ poor performance can partly be blamed on a misfiring campaign strategy, it also reflected the structural difficulties which the party faces in an increasingly polarised political environment. The polarisation of public opinion along multiple axes over the last decade—over austerity, Brexit, and attitudes to Jeremy Corbyn—has fractured the broad coalition of support which the Liberal Democrats assembled during the 1990s and 2000s. Analysis of the 2019 results suggest that the party has made some progress towards developing a new core vote, particularly among suburban Remainers in south east England, but it is not clear whether this will be large or robust enough to have a significant impact on the future of British politics.     

Was there a ‘Youthquake’ in the 2017 general election?

Studies using data from the British Election Study and the British Social Attitudes survey have concluded that the case for a significant rise in turnout amongst young people at the 2017 general election remains unproven. A limitation of these data sets for assessing the so-called Youthquake thesis is the small number of younger voters they contain. In this research note we use data from the UK Household Longitudinal Survey to produce more robust estimates of turnout amongst people aged under thirty between the 2010, 2015, and 2017 general elections. Our findings support the claim that turnout increased markedly among voters in this age group in 2017. They also demonstrate that the increase in youth turnout was not specific to 2017 but, rather, represented a continuation of a change between 2010 and 2015. Our analysis confirms the heightened importance of age as a predictor of vote choice in 2017, with younger voters significantly more likely to vote Labour compared to 2010 and 2015.     

《反不正当竞争法》一般条款与网络条款关系的界定

2017年新修订的《反不正当竞争法》是在改进原本《反不正当竞争法》在实践中所出现的问题之后的创新与发展,是《反不正当竞争法》的一次跨越和迈进。然而,《反不正当竞争法》的修订同时也为司法实践带来了全新的难题与挑战,如何看待一般条款与网络条款、如何处理一般条款与网络条款的适用关系等问题亟待找到一个合理的解决出口。     

Forensic Confirmation Bias: Do Jurors Discount Examiners Who Were Exposed to Task-Irrelevant Information?*†

Knowledge of task-irrelevant information influences judgments of forensic science evidence and thereby undermines their probative value (i.e., forensic confirmation bias). The current studies tested whether laypeople discount the opinion of a forensic examiner who had a priori knowledge of biasing information (i.e., a defendant's confession) that could have influenced his opinion. In three experiments, laypeople (N = 765) read and evaluated a trial summary which, for some, included testimony from a forensic examiner who was either unaware or aware of the defendant's confession, and either denied or admitted that it could have impacted his opinion. When the examiner admitted that the confession could have influenced his opinion, laypeople generally discounted his testimony, as evidenced by their verdicts and other ratings. However, when the examiner denied being vulnerable to bias, laypeople tended to believe him—and they weighted his testimony as strongly as that of the confession-unaware examiner. In short, laypeople generally failed to recognize the superiority of forensic science judgments made by context-blind examiners, and they instead trusted examiners who claimed to be impervious to bias. As such, our findings highlight the value of implementing context management procedures in forensic laboratories so as not to mislead fact-finders.     

论商法通则的立法定位及其逻辑展开

立法定位既是商法通则立法的基点和逻辑起点,亦是指导商法通则司法适用的线索和指南。从商法通则和《民法总则》的关系、自身属性、适用对象三方面考虑,商法通则应当是“补充法”“权利法”和“裁判法”。制定商法通则不是对民法典“民商合一”立法体制的否定,恰恰是对民法典的必要“补充”和有益“完善”;商法通则的内容设计应当以商事权利为主轴和核心;其规范逻辑结构与构成要素应当符合构成要件—法律后果之要求,以便于法适用和司法裁判。在三者关系上,“补充法”和“裁判法”的商法通则是从“外部”关系进行考虑的;“权利法”是从商法通则“内部”属性来认识的;“权利法”和“补充法”的商法通则是从“静态”视角看待的,“裁判法”是从“动态”适用视角考虑的。     

商事通则:超越民商合一与民商分立

我国的商事立法一直采用颁布单行法的模式。但实践表明,仅有具有个别领域特征的单行商事法律不足以适应调整商事关系的需要,还需要具有一般性调整特征的商事法律,即商事通则,规定调整商事关系的共同性规则。商事通则与其他单行商事法律都是民法的特别法,但其在商事法领域具有一般法的性质。无论是内容还是形式,商事通则均不应追求商法典结构。     

法家治国方略与秦朝速亡关系的再考察

法家治国方略导致秦朝速亡的通说存在诸多疑问。法家法、势、术相结合的治国方略是以顺应时势、合乎人心的法为基础,以维护和强化君主专制的势为目标,势和术的运用必须建立在法的基础之上,而法和术相结合共同增强势即维护和强化君主专制。秦朝速亡的根本原因是最高统治者对法家治国方略的理解与运用发生严重偏差,从而导致重大政策失误,法、势、术尽失而致灭亡。