我对马克思主义哲学总体规定性的理解

论文运用“实践追溯方法” ,从历史判据、基本观念、总体性范畴、科学体系、历史观的核心、实践的辩证法、整合相关讨论的积极成果、马克思主义哲学中国化的实际成果以及 2 1世纪中国主导性的哲学精神等九个方面 ,系统地论证了马克思主义哲学的总体规定性是以科学实践论为核心的新唯物主义。     

论我国商法体系的建构技术

当大陆法系国家商法典的内部规范逐渐解体，商事单行法却生机勃勃，已经成为商事立法发展的世界性潮流。无论是采用“民商合一”还是“民商分立”体例的国家，其商法体系发展的现状，均不可能给我们提供可资借鉴的模板。因此，在商法体系的建构技术上，我国必须超越外国传统模式，制定《商法通则》上承《民法典》下统商事单行法。我国商事单行法只有始终如一地贯彻《商法通则》所确认的价值理念，才能形成一个形散而神不散，健全的商法体系。为此，必须制定立法和修改规划，消除体系中的矛盾、冲突和不和谐因素，做好商事单行法的汇编工作，使实质意义上的商法体系同样具备可综览性。     

普通刑事案件简化审的问题与破解

普通刑事案件简化审的推行,固然提高了诉讼效率,但由于相关配套制度的缺失以及理解上的偏颇,运行中遇到许多实际障碍,被告人的诉讼权利和实体利益常常得不到有效的保障.一些问题看似技术性的,折射的则是公正与效率的平衡与选择.简化审的前行,应针对运行中的薄弱环节,通过普遍的证据开示制度、法律援助制度以及实体刑法的呼应,使之进一步完善.     

理性范式及其对中西宪政的文化制约

文化作为一种生活方式,是基于原始习得和传来因素而形成的、有支配力的精神统一体,其社会功能主要在于为文化共同体成员提供交流平台。文化研究是以认识论为核心的思维结构研究。从发生学和文化本质论的角度分析现代立宪主义可知:西方宪政文化是普遍理性在人类社会结构的表现形式,儒学文化由于普遍理性的缺失并未自生自发形成宪政文化。从一种过程和事业的角度看待宪政法律,应该从理性培育和法制保障两个角度践行宪政。     

党领导发展规划(计划)的历史脉络与启示——解读党的十七届五中全会政治使命的历史视角

党的十七届五中全会的重大政治使命是审议通过《中共中央关于制定国民经济和社会发展第十二个五年规划的建议》。从历史视角解析这一政治使命,就必须梳理清楚党领导经济社会发展规划(计划)的历史脉络。这一脉络体现在我们党执政以来领导制定"一五"计划到"十二五"规划的整个过程,从中我们可以概括得出党领导经济社会发展规划(计划)的一些重要启示。     

多媒体课堂环境的语境特征

语境是话语产生的环境,而话语是课堂教学语境的基本单位。本文探讨多媒体技术对于课堂环境下信息传递的影响,通过对比传统课堂与多媒体课堂的语境特征,提出在多媒体课堂环境下应该注意培养学生的哪些能力。     

中小企业法律界定标准初探

如何从法律上界定中小企业 ,直接关系到我国对中小企业实施保护和扶持政策的确立。根据我国的国情 ,从就业人数和资产总额两个方面来界定中小企业是符合我国经济发展需要的     

Why “I” became a combatant: A study of memoirs written by Nepali Maoist combatants

This article analyzes combatants’ accounts of their engagement with the Communist Party of Nepal, Maoist—CPN (M). We use Self-Categorization Theory (SCT) as a framework and thematic analysis as a method to examine how social relationships and contextual factors contributed to political party identification during the ten-year-long Maoist insurgency in Nepal. Based on the study of autobiographical narratives written by Nepali Maoist combatants, we demonstrate that a) key social and political experiences cumulatively evoked feeling positively inclined to partisan attachment; b) CPN (M) party ideology, which was presented as a cure-all to socio-political difficulties, actuated the predisposed people’s partisan alignment; c) families were largely unsupportive of their members’ intention to take part in the war; and when they participated, the family responded with antagonism; and d) party ideologues of the CPN (M), who met the partisan-leaning individuals as close friends, accelerated and sustained their friends’ motivation to become involved in the armed conflict. Together the findings culminate in a view that engagement with CPN (M) during the insurgency occurred despite resistance from family and increased exponentially because of societal and political experiences, the strong appeal of party ideology, and social network dynamics.     

Tilting Towards the Cosmopolitan Axis? Political Change in England and the 2017 General Election

The general election of June 2017 revealed a continued tilting of the political axis in England that has been long in the making. This was not a Brexit ‘realignment’—in that the vote is better seen as a symptom of a longer‐term divide that is emerging between citizens residing in locations strongly connected to global growth and those who are not. In this analysis, we explore constituency‐level patterns of voting in England between 2005 and 2017. Over this period, Labour's vote share has tended to rise in urban areas (that is, major cities), with younger and more diverse and more educated populations often working in ‘cosmopolitan’ industries, whereas the Conservative vote has tended to increase in less densely populated towns and rural areas, with older and less diverse populations. Significantly, Labour has also increased its vote in constituencies with a higher share of ‘precariat’ and emerging service workers—somewhat at odds with characterisation of a party that has lost the ‘left behind’. To the extent that changes in electoral support for the Conservatives and Labour are linked to the Brexit vote, the relationship far predates the referendum vote and should be expected to continue to reshape British politics in future.