论法治社会中公权力和私权利的均衡定位

中国在实现法治的进程中,应从制度上入手,慎重处理好公权力和私权利之间的关系,对公权力和私权利进行合理的定位。社会主义法治应该改变公权力和私权利的强弱不平衡、不对等状态,使两者处于一种势能均衡状态,以利于社会进步和发展。     

以民主法制规范社会主义市场经济(上)

社会主义市场经济是中国经济矛盾演变的必要阶段.作为经济体制,它是社会主义制度的具体化,因此必须坚持社会主义原则,其核心就是民主.民主原则的制度化,形成社会主义法制体系.实行社会主义市场经济是克服旧的统制经济体制缺陷的历史性变革,其关键就在于以民主法制规范经济生活的各个层面和环节,并以执法、立法机构予以保证,由此促进经济的健康有序发展.     

周恩来论发展社会主义民主政治的途径

发展社会主义民主政治的途径是健全人民代表大会制 :以法治国 ;党政分开 ;完善共产党领导下的多党合作制 ;恢复和健全党内民主生活 ;从领导者自身发扬民主作风做起 ;反对官僚主义 ;保障人民的民主权利 ;正确处理中央与地方的关系。     

西部开发与私权立法研究

西部大开发战略已正式开始实施 ,但“西部开发”并非中国之“专利” ,很多国家都有“西部开发”史。所以 ,借鉴国外成功之经验 ,吸取国外失败之教训 ,将会使我国的“西部开发”顺利进行 ,少走弯路。通过比较中外“西部开发”之措施 ,作者发现 ,私权在“西部开发”中具有十分重要的作用。     

近代西方的民主政治论析

自由、民土、人权 ,这三个概念是历史的和具体的。其中 ,自由主要是作为哲学范畴出现的 ,民主和人权主要是作为政治范畴出现的。政权在民、民主共和与契约思想 ,是西方古代的民主思想 ;在近代西方反对封建专制主义的斗争中 ,资产阶级高举自由旗帜 ,宣扬天赋人权 ,提出了资产阶级的民主和人权思想 ,并最终建立了资本主义的民主制度 ,总的倾向是阶级调和、福利主义和参与主义 ,不对政治现象作阶级的或社会的分析 ,抹杀资本主义民主、人权与社会主义的民主、人权的本质区别。     

Adivasiness as Caste Expression and Land Rights Claim-Making in Central-Eastern India

ABSTRACT

The adivasi population represents a special case in India’s new land wars. Strong individual and community rights to agricultural and forest lands have been enacted for this group based on notions of adivasi identities as primeval, but without linking these to economic and political influence. This article interrogates the adivasi land question seen through a caste lens. It does so via case studies in two states to understand the ways in which adivasi identity can be mobilised for its instrumental value and used to demand land rights. In Andhra Pradesh, the Supreme Court’s Samatha Judgement has prevented virtually all private mining activities. In Jharkhand, however, similar legislation is seen to be trumped by the national Coal Bearing Areas Act, as well as by former and current land acquisition acts that allow industrial land claims to take precedence over identity-based ones. Available evidence indicates the challenges involved in bringing support for land rights that are premised on a supposedly unchanging adivasi identity when these rights go against dominant interests. This circumstance serves to highlight the possibilities present in caste analysis to understand the plight of adivasis, despite their usually distinct treatment in scholarly analyses.     

国际知识产权保护和我国面临的挑战

在全球化中知识产权保护不断强化、中央提出建设创新型国家的大背景下,我国的知识产权保护面临着挑战和机遇。基于对世界上主要国家、地区知识产权制度与相关国际条约及其对我国的影响之考察,对各国及国际的知识产权保护中值得借鉴之处的分析,我们应当做的是:一方面利用知识产权制度业已形成的高端保护推动国民在高新技术与文化产品领域搞创造与创作这个“流”,另一方面积极促成新的知识产权制度来保护我们目前可能处优势的传统知识及生物多样化这个“源”。这样,才更有利于加快我国向“知识经济”与和谐社会发展的进程。     

新闻舆论监督机制的构建和完善

完善新闻舆论监督机制,充分发挥新闻媒体对社会,特别是对公共权力的监督作用,是衡 量国家政治文明和社会进步的重要标志。我国需要进一步完善新闻舆论监督机制,这对促进"依 法治国,建设社会主义法治国家"目标的实现具有十分重要的现实意义。     

Personality Pathways to Impulsive Behavior and Their Relations to Deviance: Results from Three Samples

The importance of the relation between impulsivity and deviance is well-acknowledged among criminologists. However, differences in the representations of impulsivity, some merely titular and others substantive, may cloud our understanding of these relations. The current study examines the argument, offered by Whiteside and Lynam Pers. Individuals Diff. (2000) 30: 669–689, that there may be four distinct personality pathways through which impulsive behavior may be manifested. Across three samples (two undergraduate, one community), we examine the validity of a four-factor structure of impulsivity, test whether these four pathways manifest divergent relations with various forms of deviant behavior such as crime and substance use, as well as laboratory manifestations of aggressive and impulsive behavior, and examine the invariance of these results across gender. The results support the existence of a four-factor model of impulsivity, the importance of two specific personality pathways in relation to self-reports of deviance (lack of premeditation and sensation seeking), as well as actual behavior, and suggest that these pathways are important for both men and women.     

When Public Protection Becomes Punishment? The UK Use of Civil Measures to Contain the Sex Offender

In keeping with many countries the UK has moved the problem of sexual offending up the political agenda. On the criminal justice side sentences have been increased and supervision periods extended. On the civil side a raft of new measures have been put in place to regulate the behaviour of sex offenders in the interest of community safety and child protection; this paper examines these measures and, in particular takes the sex offender ‘register’ as a case study to show how political imperatives have been brought to bear with little reference to the research or professional views of practitioners in this area. It is contended that under these political pressures, what starts life as a preventive, regulatory measure can easily become a more punitive measure in its own right; as such it may be liable to challenge by those subject to it for failing to fulfil its primary purpose and for straying across a line between the civil and criminal aspects of intervention.