核安全全球治理:历史、现实与挑战

核安全风险超越国界,可能跨越地区,甚至影响全球,因而核安全的治理必然是全球治理。各国对核安全风险的评估、核安全意识的养成是一个演进的过程,与此同步的是核安全全球治理。核安全全球治理经历了冷战、冷战结束和九一一事件以来的三个发展阶段,治理的主要内容随着国际安全形势的变化而调整。冷战期间的核安全全球治理主要体现为建立国际原子能机构以管理核能的和平利用,防范无核国家以发展民用核能为由发展核武器,签署和履行与核安全密切相关的国际公约、培育核安全的意识;冷战结束初期,国际原子能机构强化了保障监督能力,多边出口管制机制加强了对涉核物项出口的管控,国家间展开了实质性的核安全合作;九一一恐怖袭击之后,核安全全球治理呈现加速度的趋势,国际社会日益形成核安全共识,全球性制度建设加速,多边合作加强。经过多年努力,核安全全球治理的制度建设取得了显著成就,双边和多边国际合作得到实质性推动,但核安全全球治理仍然面临如何有效减少核材料存量、如何推动相关国家切实履行国家责任等挑战。     

Sociolegal change in consumer fraud: From victim-offender interactions to global networks

Advances in technology have transformed fraud against consumers from face-to-face, victim-offender interactions to a crime that now transcends international boundaries. Although consumer protection issues have been of interest to investigative journalists and literary scholars for centuries, the topic has only recently been subject to serious criminological inquiry. Employing the American consumer protection movement as an historical framework, we examine the evolution of consumer fraud. Our review documents that progressive social and legal changes in consumer protection and corporate regulation, as well as developments in criminological research, correspond to prominent literary exposés of the time. In today's technological age, such a reactive response to consumer fraud is neither efficient nor effective. Contemporary criminologists need to simultaneously address the questions of ‘how’ fraud is perpetrated and ‘why’ it occurs. Toward this end, we identify methodological strategies and data sources to promote empirical and theoretical understanding of consumer fraud, and to ultimately contribute to multi-national crime control policy.     

全球化时代的国际危机及中国的应对

全球化时代的到来加强了国际社会各行为主体之间的互动,从而使得全球性风险系数加大.新的时代背景呼唤新的安全理念,为了有效地应对危机的挑战,国际社会成员间的合作与沟通显得尤为重要.处于全球化时代背景下的中国,需要增强危机意识,在加强与国际社会合作的同时,尽快完善我国应对危机的制度建设和法律建设,提高危机应对能力,更好地维护中国的国家利益.     

交往实践观:全球正义论的哲学视域

在新全球化语境中,全球治理追求"善治",使全球正义问题凸显,成为政治哲学面临的重大问题之一。新全球化时代成为全球正义发生的历史地平线;而交往实践观成为科学解读全球正义问题的政治哲学视域。全球正义是一种在全球化公共交往平台上的公正秩序,它既是社会交往结构的规范原则之一,也是建立在自由的多元主体交往基础上形成的公正规则,更是交往实践中合理性与合法性的统一。正义既要反映客观的交往结构规律性的状况,获得合理性;又要获得主体际共同价值取向的支持和认同,使之合法化。没有合理的合法性或没有合法的合理性,都不可能是正义的。     

Can non‐state global governance be legitimate? An analytical framework

In the absence of effective national and intergovernmental regulation to ameliorate global environmental and social problems, “private” alternatives have proliferated, including self‐regulation, corporate social responsibility, and public–private partnerships. Of the alternatives, “non‐state market driven” (NSMD) governance systems deserve greater attention because they offer the strongest regulation and potential to socially embed global markets. NSMD systems encourage compliance by recognizing and tracking, along the market’s supply chain, responsibly produced goods and services. They aim to establish “political legitimacy” whereby firms, social actors, and stakeholders are united into a community that accepts “shared rule as appropriate and justified.” Drawing inductively on evidence from a range of NSMD systems, and deductively on theories of institutions and learning, we develop an analytical framework and a preliminary set of causal propositions to explicate whether and how political legitimacy might be achieved. The framework corrects the existing literature’s inattention to the conditioning effects of global social structure, and its tendency to treat actor evaluations of NSMD systems as static and strategic. It identifies a three‐phase process through which NSMD systems might gain political legitimacy. It posits that a “logic of consequences” alone cannot explain actor evaluations: the explanation requires greater reference to a “logic of appropriateness” as systems progress through the phases. The framework aims to guide future empirical work to assess the potential of NSMD systems to socially embed global markets.     

国际非政府组织与国际法之“跨国立法”

随着全球化进程的加快和非政府组织等非国家行为体的兴起,国际法的立法模式也将发生变化。国际法立法模式正在由传统的“国家间立法”转向“国家间立法”与“跨国立法”并存的多元化立法模式。从全球治理的视角来看,作为国际秩序中与国家、国际政府组织并存的第三种力量,国际非政府组织是全球治理中的重要行为体,并在跨国立法中扮演着重要角色,其所从事的主要是事务性的立法和法律的编纂,制定的主要为国际软法,但却得到了普遍的认可和遵守。同时国际非政府组织还进一步推动和影响了国家间立法。     

中国投资协议实体保护标准的自由化和多边化演进

与双边投资协议在全球范围内的爆炸式增长形成鲜明对比,国际投资保护领域的多边协定相对而言谈判进展缓慢并且较少受到关注.亚洲地区最近的多边投资协定,当属《东盟—中国投资协议》及《中日韩三方协定》.本文以中国签订的双边和多边投资协议为研究对象,考察国民待遇、最惠国待遇、公平和公正待遇、全面保护与安全、征收以及资本转移等主要实体保护标准的演进.《东盟—中国投资协议》与《中日韩三方协定》为外国投资者提供的实体保护标准,越发显示出更为自由的保护投资者的立场,这将有利于促进投资、改善投资相关规章制度的透明度、加强投资领域的多边合作,最终推动整个亚太地区的区域投资协定的签署以及投资法律体系的自由化和多边化发展.     

Global democracy in a society of peoples

This paper explores the political structures suitable for the realization of John Rawls’ The Law of Peoples (1999). In particular, it explores whether Rawls’ principles and fundamental foundations recommend establishing global institutions and, if so, whether, and in what sense, these institutions should be democratic. It is often suggested, either implicitly or explicitly, that The Law of Peoples would operate through the bilateral and multilateral interactions of, ideally conceived, nation-states. This paper argues, on the contrary, that it would advise a series of democratic global institutions. The case is developed with respect to the idea of a global institution with the remit of regulating international trade and applied, in the contemporary context, to the World Trade Organization (WTO).     

Towards resonant places: reflections on the organizing strategy of the International Transport Workers’ Federation

This article explores a geographical dilemma at the heart of union organizing in transnational corporations; namely, how to circulate union power across different spaces when existing labour struggles are generally restricted to single sites. Reflecting on the experience of the International Transport Workers' Federation, this paper argues that single site campaigns have been crucial to its organizing programme. Analysing cases involving dock workers in India and logistics workers in Turkey, it is noted that these struggles are resource intensive but potentially transformational, and should be theorized as ‘resonant places’ in a wider global organizing strategy.     

After the halcyon days: the anti-/alterglobalization movement and international organizations, 1996–2011

Why are relations between non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and international organizations (IOs) sometimes conflictual and other times collaborative? This article evaluates hypotheses in the international relations and social movements literatures with reference to relations between NGOs associated with the anti-/alterglobalization movement and multilateral economic institutions (MEIs). Drawing on an original database and interviews with MEI and NGO staff members, the article shows that attributes of NGOs – including NGO budgets, ideology, and organizational structure – rather than the political or economic environment better account not only for an overall increase in collaboration with IOs since the late 1990s, but also for a growing divergence among NGOs regarding the acceptability of such collaboration.