中国责任政府研究的三个基本问题

责任政府是我国行政体制改革的重要内容,其理论和实践都取得了很大进展。本文对2000年以后国内有关责任政府研究中的三个基本问题进行综述和评价,并结合国外相关研究和实践的前沿,探讨未来研究的方向。     

依法行政若干问题的思考

突破制约依法行政的瓶颈,迫切要求推动理念创新,以引领依法行政的实践。本文认为,依法行政的功能不仅是治官、治权,更是深化政治体制改革、发展社会主义民主政治的重要方面;适应依法行政从既靠政策又靠法律向靠政策,更靠法律的转变,要依法制定政策,推动政策的法律转化;服务型政府建设要体现依法行政的要求,重视公共服务制度化,坚持管理与服务并重;我国的改革已经从边改革边完善制度阶段进入了依法深化改革的新阶段,改革创新应当在宪法法律框架内进行;培育法治社会,要把法制宣传教育提升到国家公民教育的高度来认识;积极推动依法行政动力机制的转型,构建政府自上而下推动与社会由外而内推动有机结合的依法行政动力机制。     

由主权负债危机引发对地方政府过度负债的思考

世界金融危机爆发后,中国经济经过结构调整,内生动力不断增强并带动区域经济的快速增长。与此同时,地方政府超常规融资积聚的风险隐患也在迅速增加,巨额的地方政府负债极有可能成为诱发新一轮危机的重要因素,成为制约中国经济发展的主要瓶颈。弄清地方政府过度负债的主要风险,衡量地方政府的负债能力,界定风险转变为危机的临界点,明确地方政府适度负债规模水平是稳妥地化解地方政府过度负债风险,防范危机的重要途径。     

地方政府奢侈行政现象治理与问责制

我国行政成本的居高不下与各级地方政府的奢侈行政现象密切相关。从该现象产生的内在根源出发,可以将地方政府奢侈行政现象归结为"诱发型"浪费和"原发型"浪费两种类型。完善行政问责制有利于遏制"诱发型"浪费,但要真正遏制乃至根治"原发型"浪费还必须对制度、政策、结构及价值等进行整体问责。因此,考量我国遏制地方政府奢侈行政现象久治无功的缘由,应该重新审思问责制能否成为解决问题的一个突破口,并以此推进政府的深层变革。     

清代地方政府市场干预行为探析——以广西地方官府为例

清代的广西地方官府在维护市场规则、统制经营、调控金融和公务采买等方面所采取的市场干预行为对当时广西的经济运行秩序产生了双重影响:既利于市场环境的改善,有助于经济平稳运行,也因违反市场规律而导致经济波动不稳,制约了地方经济的发展。     

对文件检验课程研究型实验教学的设计与操作

21世纪是创新的时代,公安高等教育改革传统的实验教学方式,探索研究型实验教学方法,培养创新型、能力型人才是时代的需要。文章介绍了文件检验课程研究型实验教学设计与操作的步骤及方法。实践证明：研究型实验教学不仅充分调动了学生的实验热情和学习主动性,培养了学生的团队精神,而且为撰写毕业论文打下了良好的科研基础。     

农村基层组织人员职务犯罪与社会管理创新

农村基层组织职务犯罪的上升趋势,反映出农村基层社会管理出现了一些问题。基层干部人员素质较低,监管力度不够,财务管理混乱等主客观因素是犯罪率上升的直接原因。因此。必须加大社会管理创新力度,认真贯彻落实修订后的《中华人民共和国村民委员会组织法》和中共中央办公厅、国务院办公厅《关于在农村普遍实行村务公开和民主管理制度的通知》,形成全方位预防“村官”职务犯罪的监督体系。     

科教兴国实业强国的必由之路——谫论高校创新创业教育面临的问题及对策

随着高等教育的蓬勃发展,大学生就业问题日益成为社会关注的焦点之一。严峻的就业形势要求大学生必须具备更高的素质、更强的创新精神和创业能力来迎接挑战。我国高校普遍重视并开展大学生创新创业教育工作起步较晚,与经济社会快速发展对人才的需求存在较大差距。基于建设创新型国家和推动社会主义市场经济对创新创业人才的迫切需要,高校必须正视大学生创新创业教育面临的诸多问题．优化整合校内外教育资源,拿出切实解决问题的对策;即端正思想认识、提高经费投入、改革教学体系、培养师资队伍、创新考评方式、加强创业实践,把大学生真正培养成为科教兴国、实业强国的后备人才．     

I don't Agree with Nick: Retrodicting the Conservative–Liberal Democrat Coalition

Insider and journalistic accounts of the formation in May 2010 of the Conservative‐Liberal Democrat coalition actually, although not explicitly, rely on types of explanation familiar to those who study politics. They tell us that structure (or at least the economy) was important. So too, they suggest, were institutions (timing and the rules of the game). They also stress the importance of contingency (‘events, dear boy, events’) and agency (who did and said what to whom). While none of these things were unimportant, they only served to make certain an outcome that anyone with a passing acquaintance with the theory and the practice of coalition formation would have predicted—namely a ‘minimum winning coalition’. The only thing that could have made that outcome uncertain was a fundamental ideological difference between the two parties involved; however, it quickly became apparent—to the surprise of those of us who failed to appreciate how much the Liberal Democrats had changed—that no such difference existed. Indeed, it is possible to argue that the coalition formed was not merely minimum winning but ‘minimum connected winning’. As such, its formation was not so much breathtakingly bold and exciting as pretty much inevitable. In the end, the maths and the physics mattered more than the chemistry. Fortunately for the Conservatives, the Liberal Democrats seriously underplayed their hand in the negotiations, with possibly disastrous consequences for them in the long term.     

Scrutiny in English Local Government and the Role of Councillors

Overview and Scrutiny Committees were introduced in England and Wales in the Local Government Act 2000 that ended the role the full council and its committees as the locus of decision‐making for most local authorities. Overview and scrutiny committees composed of councillors not on small decision‐making executives were tasked with holding these to account. The performance of scrutiny committees is variable. Generally they work best where they concentrate on reviews of policy and practice, with recommendations following from well‐researched reports. The paper reviews the difficulties which arise when scrutiny committees endeavour to hold powerful executives to account, and suggests that to strengthen this new legislation is required, in particular to institutionalise scrutiny committees as agencies of the full council, the representative body for the area, comparable to the way in which the select committees at Westminster are the agencies of the Parliament.