言语与犯罪

随着经济的迅速发展,高智商犯罪越来越猖獗,利用网络、计算机、打印机、复印机等工具进行敲诈勒索、扬言爆炸案件数量呈逐年上升趋势。为迎接新形势下的挑战,更好地为刑事侦查工作服务,利用言语识别对犯罪嫌疑人进行分析刻画或认定同一已迫在眉睫。     

仿真世界中的媒介权力:鲍德里亚传播思想解读

法国当代思想家鲍德里亚以独特的视角透视了现代媒介及其技术造成的后现代社会虚拟代替现实的严峻境况。他认为,当代社会是由大众媒介构建的“仿真”世界,在这个世界中,电子媒介改变了传播的交流情境,新的言语情境和话语结构对主体产生了构建意义。大众媒介通过编辑机制和传播技术为人们生产文化意义,广告则通过提供各种消费符号和影像制造着欲望和诱惑。大众媒介在当代社会中扮演着生活指南的角色,强化了对受众的塑造和影响。     

Points of departure: re-examining the discursive formation of the Hate Crime Statistics Act of 1990

Leung’s article re-examines the political and legislative history of the debates that led up to the passage of the 1990 Hate Crime Statistics Act, in particular the 1980 House committee hearing on Increasing Violence against Minorities and a 1983 U.S. Commission on Civil Rights report entitled Intimidation and Violence: Racial and Religious Bigotry in America. Both identify organized white supremacy as the cause of the nation’s epidemic of racial intimidation and violent bigotry in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Many significant recommendations were made, but data collection became the first piece of legislation to address the national problem of hate violence. Leung seeks to explain why. By analysing the relationship between committee hearings, the key report and the political context of the Reagan administration, he demonstrates how ‘hate crime’ became an object of knowledge, and how its definition had implications for policy development.     

论公民象征性言论自由及其实现路径——基于对某公民"宣传宪法"案例分析

象征性言论自由是公民言论自由的特殊类型,其兼具言论和行动的双重性质,要受法律和宪法的双重调整,由于两类调整在价值选择上有时存在冲突,势必造成象征性言论自由实现的障碍.我国不仅在法律理念上尚未能认识其特殊性,在司法实践中也未对其加以特殊保护.因而依托实际案例来分析象征性言论的一般法律理论和司法实践,为寻求我国公民象征性自由的实现路径提供有益的思路是十分必要的.     

论象征性言论及其保护

象征性言论是美国联邦最高法院通过判例修正传统的言论与行为二元理论从而创立的一项新型言论类型 ,它的提出极大地扩展了言论自由的保护范围。由于象征性言论兼有“言论”与“行为”双重性质 ,因此法院对之适用“基于内容的规制”与“内容中立的规制”的双轨制司法审查标准。     

色情文艺仅仅是言词而已吗?——关于麦金农的《言词而已》

在麦金农看来,色情文艺并非单纯的言词,而是行为;色情文艺造成的伤害不是诽谤,而是歧视.由此,色情文艺不属于<宪法第一修正案>保护之下的言论自由,而是涉及<宪法第十四修正案>的平等保护条款.其意在把<第一修正案>和<第十四修正案>作综合考量,为平等在言论中争得一席之地.     

霍姆斯大法官的言论自由观——“明显且现实的危险”原则的发展

霍姆斯大法官对言论自由保护的观点主要表现为提出了"明显且现实的危险"原则这一理论。在1919年的谢内库诉合众国案中,霍姆斯提出了"明显且现实的危险"原则,在艾布拉姆斯诉合众国案中又提出了"思想市场"这一概念。在1925年的吉特洛诉纽约州案中,他提出"明显且现实的危险"检验标准完全适用于对立法裁决的司法审查,在1927年的惠特尼诉加利福尼亚州案中,布兰戴斯大法官(霍姆斯赞同)对这一原则进行了进一步的修正和完善。在该案中提出的"明显且现实的危险"原则适用的限制条件,使这一理论的发展达到成熟。霍姆斯提出的这个理论,后来成为美国完善公民拥有言论、出版自由的理论基础,对美国的法理学产生了很大的影响。     

Racist Offenders and the Politics of ‘Hate Crime’

In the UK and USA ‘Hate crime’ has become a topic of public controversy and social mobilization around issues of violence and harassment. This has largely but not exclusively addressed racism, homophobia and gender based violence. This article has three objectives. First, to situate hate crime legislation within a broad theory of modernity;secondly to examine the politics of its emergence as a public issue; thirdly to use data from the authors' recent research in Greater Manchester to illuminate the complexity of the concept of ‘hate crime’. The centrality of ‘hate crime’ to current debates derives from the importance of rights-based regulation of complex societies and the juridical management of emotional life. Hatred and violence have become problematic behaviour thrown into relief by a long term civilizing process. Hate crimes have thus acquired powerful rhetorical focus for mobilization of victim and identity politics. With reference to racist violence in Oldham and elsewhere in Greater Manchester, we argue that in its application and construction, however, ‘hate crime’ is a complex phenomenon that might dramatize rather than regulate the problems it seeks to address. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

Re-Conceptualising the Policing of Hatred: Confessions and Worrying Dilemmas of a Consultant

Community Safety Units in the London Metropolitan Police handle over 9000 reported incidents of ‘hate’ crime each month. This paper explores the work of these Units through its conceptualisation of the notion of vulnerability. The workload of the CSUs includes domestic, racist and homophobic incidents. The victim/perpetrator relationship, it is assumed, provides special motivation for the offender's violence and requires police to consider special support for the victim. The paper begins with an exploration of how the MPS conceptualises ‘hate crime’. Its rationale for dedicated resources for the policing of particular forms of violence can be found, I suggest in the second part of the paper, in the way in which violence itself is conceptualised. I then offer a different term for thinking about hate crime – targeted violence. I go on to argue in depth how the(faulty) logic about violence obscures our ability to take people's ordinary experiences of intimidation, threat and bodily harm seriously in law and in society. The term ‘hate crime’, I conclude, in advertently reinforces this (faulty) logic. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

泛传播与泛责任:新媒体环境下的人格权保护

web2.0时代的到来使新媒体"泛传播"的特征愈发明显,新的媒介技术使大众深度参与网络并成为互动主体。无边界的公共空间和自媒体的出现为网民提供了更广阔的言论空间,与此同时大量侵权现象的产生也对新媒体空间的有效规制提出了挑战,"泛传播"更应意味着"泛责任"。在新环境下,对于名誉权和隐私权的法律保护亦应适应这种变化,有效维护新媒介技术的充分利用和人格权保护的平衡。