全文获取类型
收费全文 | 3021篇 |
免费 | 567篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 201篇 |
工人农民 | 61篇 |
世界政治 | 122篇 |
外交国际关系 | 360篇 |
法律 | 1609篇 |
中国共产党 | 29篇 |
中国政治 | 150篇 |
政治理论 | 664篇 |
综合类 | 392篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 19篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 52篇 |
2020年 | 105篇 |
2019年 | 200篇 |
2018年 | 189篇 |
2017年 | 194篇 |
2016年 | 196篇 |
2015年 | 170篇 |
2014年 | 206篇 |
2013年 | 486篇 |
2012年 | 325篇 |
2011年 | 222篇 |
2010年 | 157篇 |
2009年 | 158篇 |
2008年 | 159篇 |
2007年 | 166篇 |
2006年 | 147篇 |
2005年 | 108篇 |
2004年 | 100篇 |
2003年 | 93篇 |
2002年 | 48篇 |
2001年 | 31篇 |
2000年 | 22篇 |
1999年 | 14篇 |
1998年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 5篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有3588条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
51.
Peter Hays Gries 《East Asia》2005,22(4):3-17
In July 2004, a Chinese claim that the ancient Kingdom of Koguryo (37 BC-AD 668) was China's vassal state ignited a firestorm
of protest in South Korea. The decade-long South Korean love affair with China appears to have ended, as increasing numbers
of South Koreans have begun to view their colossal neighbor with new suspicion. What were the causes and consequences of this
controversy? Rather than forwarding the usual political, economic and security explanations, this paper interrogates the deeper
identity politics at stake, arguing that the Koguryo controversy implicates the very meaning of being Korean or Chinese in
the 21st century. 相似文献
52.
在对基层工会的实地调查中发现,许多企业中存在着人事部经理与工会主席身份合一的现象。二者的角色特征存在着本质不同,身份合一的局面导致了角色冲突,并造成了一定的体制性弊端。因此应该从明晰角色、明确职责、摆脱依附关系几个方面对工会主席进行角色调试。 相似文献
53.
基于高等学校与学生关系的法律性质以及大学自治与司法审查的关系,高校管理关系包括招生管理、学籍管理、校内公共设施管理和校园秩序和安全管理所形成的关系。在中国语境下的大学自治制度框架内,应当建构以司法权为核心的学生个体权利救济机制。 相似文献
54.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):347-378
Ancient East Asia is the second oldest “protobellic area” and pristine state system of international relations within the global international system, after West Asia (ancient Near East). In a previous study Cioffi‐Revilla and Lai (1995) reported the first findings on the origins and evolution of war and politics in ancient China (Legendary, Xia [Hsia], Shang, and Western Zhou [Chou] periods), ca. 2700 B.C to 722 B.C In this paper we make public an expanded data set (N = 104 cases, 12 variables; version 2.0), explaining our sources, measurements, and data quality control procedures. The new data set will permit investigators to test hypotheses about warfare distributions, ethnic and protracted conflicts, time series, periodicity, system dynamics, and structural relationships (e.g., war‐polarity theories). This new long‐range data set should also promote a new stage in comparative analyses of the universal and particular properties of warfare and international systems, both cross‐polity and longitudinally. 相似文献
55.
Deborah E. Altus 《Contemporary Justice Review》2013,16(3):267-286
This paper addresses B. F. Skinner's utopian vision for enhancing social justice and human well‐being as it was introduced in his 1948 novel, Walden Two. In the first part, we address the historical, intellectual, and social context that situates the book in the utopian genre, the critiques of its premises and practices, and the fate of intentional communities patterned on the book. In the second part, we review practices in Skinner's book that advance social justice and human well‐being under the themes of health, wealth, and wisdom, and then focus on contemporary practices that are the legacy of his vision. His vision was neither the a priori truth of a particular premise about human behavior or a necessary practice (blueprint) for an intentional community but rather the use of empirical methods to discover premises and practices that work to advance the health, wealth, and wisdom of individuals and survival of the culture. 相似文献
56.
57.
追求判决一致是冲突法的古典抱负,传统反致之创设即服务于此一功效。拉塞尔开创双重反致先例之时并未释明其动机与理由。两种正相反对的解释路向彼此既不能证伪复又和谐兼容于双重反致,这表明应从第三维度即回归冲突法寻求判决一致之古典使命来解读其伦理取向。双重反致的生命力在于其能够为只能实现判决相对一致的传统反致所不能担保的判决绝对一致之目标提供绝对保证,精确致达冲突法之意向。判决一致本身不体现伦理深度,其实现方式才体现伦理深度。传统反致的相对性在于他律,双重反致的绝对性则得益于自律。立足于自律之上的双重反致移情换位于外国法院之立场,散发出为他人的伦理暗香。为他人的脆弱性及其可能走向的为难他人的背反结局使其危机再现。对我意识的终极溯源揭示了他人就是上帝的本体论结构,逃脱上帝的不可能性是对为他人伦理及作为其技术表达的双重反致之伦理困境及伦理密码的辩证破解。 相似文献
58.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(1):53-83
Building on the most important theoretical tools from the literatures on social movements and nationalism, we propose a model of the intensity of nationalist political behavior in which a community's means, motives, and opportunities assume the central roles in the initiation and escalation of nationalist contentious politics. We then test this model using multinomial logit on original data from the seventeen autonomous communities of Spain over a twenty-year period. The results demonstrate that the means, motives, and opportunities assume vital, yet nonlinear, roles in determining a community's level of electoral, violent, and nonviolent contentious activity. The findings also show that there are crucial differences in what accounts for the moves to electoral contention, to protest, and to rebellion. Several of these factors are uniformly escalatory on the intensity of contention—especially repression, social mobilization, and regime change—while others, most importantly democracy, have a moderating effect on the generation of conflict. The results further imply processes of a diffusion of rebellious activities and of an organizational-level substitution effect between violent and nonviolent forms of political behavior. At the aggregate community level, however, escalation in contention involves a “cumulative effect” rather than a classic “substitution effect.” 相似文献
59.
This study introduces ‘eco-sectarianism’, which is a new concept that explains the relationship between sectarian violence and environmental pressures in divided societies in the Middle East. Against the backdrop of climate change, ‘eco-sectarianism’ poses a challenge to many fragmented and unequal societies where the sense of national consciousness is weak and nation-building projects are incomplete. This paper draws attention to the links between politicisation of sub-national identities and emerging ecological challenges in Syria. 相似文献
60.
Yuliya Ilchuk 《Nationalities Papers》2017,45(2):256-273
This paper analyzes literary, visual, and street art works of writers and artists from Eastern Ukraine produced during 2014. Two Donetsk artists, Serhii Zakharov and Anzhela Dzherikh, and two Luhansk writers, Serhii Zhadan and Olena Stepova, play with the myth of the proletarian Donbas, on the one hand, and debunk the popular perception of Donbas people as being in consent with the politics of the self-proclaimed Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics, on the other. They explore familiar tropes and images of Donbas and use guerrilla tactics (shock effects, provocativeness, and deception) to initiate public reaction to the war. Their works are united by their search for a shared communication space and direct access to the audience on occupied territories. These artists challenge the accepted perception of Donbas as a free but uncivilized space and participate in the creation of a new Donbas text. The interaction between politics, art, and activism makes their voices and vision powerful and infectious and can help achieve civic consolidation in Donbas. 相似文献