全文获取类型
收费全文 | 2283篇 |
免费 | 116篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 31篇 |
工人农民 | 80篇 |
世界政治 | 35篇 |
外交国际关系 | 34篇 |
法律 | 670篇 |
中国共产党 | 64篇 |
中国政治 | 320篇 |
政治理论 | 423篇 |
综合类 | 742篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 2篇 |
2023年 | 25篇 |
2022年 | 14篇 |
2021年 | 55篇 |
2020年 | 68篇 |
2019年 | 46篇 |
2018年 | 43篇 |
2017年 | 50篇 |
2016年 | 50篇 |
2015年 | 60篇 |
2014年 | 123篇 |
2013年 | 175篇 |
2012年 | 178篇 |
2011年 | 168篇 |
2010年 | 155篇 |
2009年 | 167篇 |
2008年 | 131篇 |
2007年 | 161篇 |
2006年 | 163篇 |
2005年 | 154篇 |
2004年 | 135篇 |
2003年 | 106篇 |
2002年 | 83篇 |
2001年 | 41篇 |
2000年 | 30篇 |
1999年 | 7篇 |
1998年 | 5篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有2399条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
81.
Responsiveness and accountability constitute the process of democratic representation, reinforcing each other. Responsiveness asks elected representatives to adopt policies ex ante preferred by citizens, while accountability consists of the people's ex post sanctioning of the representatives based on policy outcomes. However, the regulatory literature tends to interpret responsiveness narrowly between a regulator and regulatees: the regulator is responsive to regulatees’ compliance without considering broader public needs and preferences. Democratic regulatory responsiveness requires that the regulator should be responsive to the people, not just regulatees. We address this theoretical gap by pointing out the perils of regulatory capture and advancing John Braithwaite's idea of tripartism as a remedy. We draw out two conditions of democratic regulatory responsiveness from Philip Selznick – comprehensiveness and proactiveness. We then propose overlapping networked responsiveness based on indirect reciprocity among various stakeholders. This mechanism is the key to connecting regulatory responsiveness with accountability. 相似文献
82.
The aim of this paper is to analyse the level of implementation by Spanish local authorities of the Transparency Act (19/2013), and their voluntary information disclosure in areas where such disclosure is obligatory in other EU countries. We identify the main factors that may influence the implementation of this Act and the self-regulation policies adopted. Our analysis highlights the existence of delays among some local authorities, with notable differences between municipalities with larger and smaller populations, in implementing the Act, and also the fact that many municipalities are committed to achieving transparency, often going beyond minimum legal requirements. Factors such as population size, the political ideology of the governing party and the education level and economic capacity of the population are related to the level of implementation of transparency and self-regulatory policies in this respect by local authorities. We acknowledge that the 2013 Act was still being implemented during the period analysed. 相似文献
83.
Judith Bessant 《Child & Youth Services》2013,34(2):137-151
In many countries youth work education in the university confronts a precarious future. Paradoxically, this takes place as the labor market is unable to meet demands for qualified practitioners. This article makes a case for further investment in university-based youth work education. While presenting labor demand and supply arguments, we also suggest that a good university education is important for producing graduates capable of becoming experts and good practitioners in the Aristotelian sense of the word. This entails the provision of learning opportunities to attain specialist knowledge, technical expertise and ethical capacities of the kind that distinguish youth work practice from other approaches to work with young people. Such an education also promotes the prospect that practitioners are able to develop a professional habitus that advances youth work as a discrete field of professional practice. While the material used in this article is Australian, we suggest there are sufficient commonalities between the Australian experience and many other countries for the arguments, findings and recommendations made here to have more general applicability. 相似文献
84.
This article explores how the UK’s fact-checking organisation Full Fact has sought to tackle misinformation since its inception in 2010. Full Fact describes itself as a ‘second generation’ fact-checking organisation with dual aims of seeking to stop the spread of specific pieces of inaccurate information and using the evidence base from fact checking to secure systemic changes that help make misinformation rarer and less harmful. Ultimately, we are pursuing culture change. We are trying to create institutions in societies that can help anchor public debate to reality and to challenge the casual acceptance of deceptive and misleading behaviour. 相似文献
85.
Lisa-Maria Neudert 《The Political quarterly》2020,91(4):713-721
Targeted online ads, algorithmic analytics tools, clickbait-y social media campaigns, big data voter databases—digital technologies have become a cornerstone of contemporary political campaigns in the United Kingdom. Candidates, party campaigners, and a multitude of other registered campaigners embrace digital campaigning for democratic engagement, mobilising voters and electioneering. Yet, in the wake of the Cambridge Analytica scandal, it has become clear that these technologies are vulnerable to abuse and deception. Pressing issues surrounding privacy, transparency, and human rights persist, and systems of electoral law have become ill-equipped to enforce good behaviour and compliance with the law. Drawing from empirical evidence ahead of the 2019 UK general election, this article examines systemic obstacles to regulatory innovation. The inquiry provides an analysis of key policy challenges affecting elections and democracy, and develops an analytical framework pathways to regulatory innovation in the digital domain across three dimensions: (1) Institutional structures; (2) organisational processes; and (3) regulatory functions. The article puts forward practical policy recommendations to promote regulatory innovation that is tech-savvy, evidence-based and future-proof. 相似文献
86.
Barry Pemberton 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2019,42(7):533-546
In 2017, significant media and political interest was sparked by the UK decision to leave Euratom, the European Atomic Energy Community. While such interest in nuclear matters has to be welcomed, the apparent lack of knowledge displayed in the regulatory governance of the UK nuclear industry is disquieting. This article therefore offers an overview of the publicly funded UK nuclear industry and its regulatory governance including its links with European and global nuclear agencies to inform the debate and to identify critical issues in need of resolution. 相似文献
87.
在国际法体系中,武装冲突法可谓编纂得最为完备的一个分支。经过数百年的积累和铺垫,第二次世界大战后武力使用规范逐渐发展成为完整的规范体系并呈现出四大特征:即为了适应国际关系的新变化武装冲突法扩大了适用范围;使用核武器是否合法成为国际法的重要问题;出现了在武装冲突中"反向"使用武力以达到实现和平目的的新方式——联合国维持和平行动以及在武装冲突中出现了大量作为作战手段而使用的性暴力行为等。然而进入21世纪以后,武装冲突的形态与样式均发生了重大变化,一方面,以无人机、自主作战机器人、纳米生物武器和网络战为代表的新型作战手段方法层出不穷;另一方面,非国家行为体在武装冲突中使用武力的情况有所增加,更出现了私人军事安保公司等法律地位在国际法上尚处于空白的交战主体。以朝核危机为标志,核武器对于国际和平与安全的巨大的潜在甚至是现实的威胁再次凸显,迅速成为国际政治和国际法中的热点核心议题。值得注意的是,即使武装冲突法的基本原则依然相对稳定,但是不断出现的新作战手段和方法,仍然给国际法和国际安全提出了一系列亟须应对的新挑战。 相似文献
88.
“契约自由是合同法的灵魂和生命。”它发源于罗马法,确立于资本主义自由竞争时期。进入20世纪后,随着其产生之社会基础的变化.各国普遍对契约自由给予一定的规制,以实现实质意义上的契约公正。从契约自由原则的兴起、确立及现代社会对其的规制,宏观把握契约自由原则发展的历史进程,并洞见其发展动因。 相似文献
89.
在我国当前刑事诉讼中,系统论已经得到一定程度的关注,然而现实中其运行结果与理想还存在很大差距,影响了刑事程序功能的有效发挥。因此,有必要从理念更新和规则优化层面重构我国刑事程序系统,以促使其实现动态、平衡的发展。 相似文献
90.
程杉 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2007,21(4):97-99
网络辅助教学的特点和优势,决定了它在教育领域将发挥越来越大的作用,成为高校教育教学改革的重要方面。采用网络辅助教学对教师在提供资源、引导学生学习方面提出了更高要求。教师要努力钻研现代教育技术,提高教育信息化应用水平。学校要制定相应的措施,为信息技术与课程整合创造条件,还应调整相关机构的职能,促成网络辅助教学这一新模式的健康发展,不断提高教学质量。 相似文献