全文获取类型
收费全文 | 528篇 |
免费 | 11篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 25篇 |
工人农民 | 17篇 |
世界政治 | 41篇 |
外交国际关系 | 51篇 |
法律 | 169篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 51篇 |
政治理论 | 70篇 |
综合类 | 114篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 6篇 |
2020年 | 24篇 |
2019年 | 18篇 |
2018年 | 29篇 |
2017年 | 25篇 |
2016年 | 37篇 |
2015年 | 16篇 |
2014年 | 30篇 |
2013年 | 77篇 |
2012年 | 34篇 |
2011年 | 26篇 |
2010年 | 23篇 |
2009年 | 27篇 |
2008年 | 26篇 |
2007年 | 27篇 |
2006年 | 17篇 |
2005年 | 32篇 |
2004年 | 17篇 |
2003年 | 10篇 |
2002年 | 11篇 |
2001年 | 9篇 |
2000年 | 7篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有539条查询结果,搜索用时 833 毫秒
441.
Ann L. Coker Heather M. Bush Candace J. Brancato Zhengyan Huang Emily R. Clear Diane R. Follingstad 《Journal of school violence》2020,19(4):525-538
ABSTRACT Many bystander programs to prevent violence have been developed and evaluated in college populations. An exception is the randomized controlled trial of Green Dot, found effective in reducing violence rates and violence acceptance in 26 high-schools (2010–2014). In ‘Life’s Snapshot’, 10,727 seniors were recruited from these same schools with the goal of determining the longer-term efficacy of bystander training. Students in intervention schools could have up to three years of Green Dot exposure. Seniors from intervention versus control schools had significantly lower scores (p <.01) indicating less violence acceptance or sexism for two of five measures. Seniors’ self-reports of bystander training received confirmed these findings. These cross-sectional analyses suggest that some reductions in violence acceptance associated with bystander programming may be maintained into early adulthood. 相似文献
442.
Milos Popovic 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2017,29(5):922-942
Foreign governments frequently intervene in armed conflicts by sponsoring rebels against their adversaries. A sponsorship is less costly than a direct military intervention, but rebels often defy orders, desert fighting, or turn guns against their sponsors. Under what conditions do rebels defect against their sponsors? Drawing on organizational theory, I argue that as rebel organizations become less centralized and formalized, the rebels are likely to defect against their sponsors. This occurs because non-centralized organizations have weak central leadership and allow for dispersed decision-making, both of which narrow the manipulative capacity of sponsors. Due to these disadvantages, non-centralized rebel movements are less accountable to their sponsors, cannot credibly commit to rapidly change their policies in response to changes in the sponsor’s demands, and suffer from frequent and destructive quarrels between the top and lower echelons. Using multilevel logistic models for panel data, I test my argument on a novel dataset. My quantitative analysis shows that rebel structure is a robust predictor of defection. 相似文献
443.
ABSTRACTAlthough often considered to be safe havens, schoolhouses have a darker side: they are places where students are victimized. Research in the United States shows that students are victimized by various forms of misconduct, ranging from property-related crime (e.g., theft, destruction) to violent behavior (e.g., assault, homicide) in schools. Notably, international studies reveal that school victimization is a serious concern across the globe. In this context, the present study provides an overview of the extent and nature of school victimization from international perspective. Special attention is given to bullying, a form of victimization found across the globe. Important school-based prevention efforts developed outside the United States are discussed. Finally, this study raises awareness to another type of serious victimization—terrorist attacks—that are on the rise, particularly among nations located in the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and Africa. 相似文献
444.
Johanna B. Folk Brandy L. Blasko Rebecca Warden Karen Schaefer Patty Ferssizidis Jeffrey Stuewig 《Victims & Offenders》2016,11(3):436-454
The current study evaluated the feasibility and acceptability of a manualized Impact of Crime (IOC) group intervention implemented with male inmates (N = 108) at a county jail. Facilitator adherence to the intervention and participant attendance, homework completion, and feedback were assessed. On average facilitators covered 93.7% of each manual topic. Victim speaker recruitment was a challenge—43.5% of relevant sessions lacked victim speakers. Findings suggested significant participant engagement—67.3% attended at least 75% of sessions and 93.3% of homework assignments were submitted on time. Overall, participants indicated satisfaction with the intervention. Successful strategies, challenges, and potential enhancements are discussed. 相似文献
445.
Kevin Malseed 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(2):365-391
This paper examines repression and state–society conflict in Burma through the lens of rural and urban resistance strategies. It explores networks of noncompliance through which civilians evade and undermine state control over their lives, showing that the military regime's brutal tactics represent not control, but a lack of control. Outside agencies ignore this state–society struggle over sovereignty at their peril: ignoring the interplay of interventions with local politics and militarisation, and claiming a ‘humanitarian neutrality’ which is impossible in practice, risks undermining the very civilians interventions are supposed to help, while facilitating further state repression. Greater honesty and awareness in interventions is required, combined with greater solidarity with villagers' resistance strategies. 相似文献
446.
Courtney J. Fung 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(1):33-50
Why was China responsive to regional organisations’ call for intervention in the case of the Libya crisis, where it supported sanctions and an International Criminal Court referral, and acquiesced to a no-fly zone, but unresponsive to pressure from regional organisations for intervention in the Syria crisis, issuing repeated vetoes instead? Using interviews and other primary data, this article explains the variation by highlighting that China is most responsive to regional organisations when these groups remain cohesive, congregate around the same policy position and when they publicly criticise or isolate China. 相似文献
447.
Sydney Calkin 《Third world quarterly》2015,36(4):654-669
Women and girls are currently positioned as highly visible subjects of global governance and development, from the agendas of the United Nations and the World Bank to the corporate social responsibility campaigns of Nike, Goldman Sachs and Coca Cola. This paper examines the representations of empowerment in visual (image and video) material from the Nike Foundation’s ‘Girl Effect’ campaign. Drawing on the works of Angela McRobbie and Lilie Chouliaraki, I suggest that this campaign is reflective of a mode of ‘post-feminist spectatorship’ that is now common to corporatised development discourses; it is manifested both in terms of the conservative mode of neoliberal empowerment proposed for distant others and the mode of ironic spectatorship imagined for the viewer. I conclude that the relations constructed in the ‘Girl Effect’ campaign between the (empowered) Western spectator and the (yet-to-be-empowered) Third World Girl work to erode bonds of solidarity and entrench structural inequalities by positioning economically empowered girls as the key to global poverty eradication. 相似文献
448.
"处突维稳"是公安机关的一项重要任务,其中很多工作都涉及危机干预,接处警情中多数是处理家庭暴力、家庭纷乱及解救自杀者等,人民警察越来越多地需要进行危机干预工作。警务心理危机干预体系就是在县级以上公安机关内部,建立一支隶属于指挥中心的危机干预队伍,人员来自各基层警队,平时他们有各自的专门工作,遇到突发危机事件时能够迅速出警实施危机干预。 相似文献
449.
2017年,美国特朗普政府正式出台“印太战略构想”,不仅在官方文件中以印太取代亚太,更采取诸多措施推动实现其“印太梦”,彰显其地区政策出现重大调整。作为印度洋地区首屈一指的大国,印度被视为“印太战略构想”成功落地实施的关键。整体看来,印度当局和战略界积极支持印太从地理和学术概念升级为美国对外战略构想,认定印度可从中获得重大战略收益。在此情势下,印度当局将持续调整外交政策,积极配合乃至引导“印太战略构想”走向,服务于抗衡“一带一路”倡议、联手美国等国家平衡中国崛起等目标,最终实现印度大国崛起之梦。然而,“印太战略构想”尚未完全成形,现有内容也并非完全对印有利,加之印度对美国仍心存疑虑,未来印度将保持谨慎,留有回旋余地,在充分挖掘“印太战略构想”好处的同时避免与中国发生直接对抗。 相似文献
450.
人文精神是关于人生目的价值和理想的综合反映,是与科学精神相对应的求善和求美的价值追求和文化历程的整合与积淀。人文精神具有时代性和区域性特征。新时代人文精神构建必须与当代社会人类的生存方式、思维方式和价值观念的变化相适应。 相似文献