Teen Choices,an Online Stage-Based Program for Healthy,Nonviolent Relationships: Development and Feasibility Trial

This article describes the theoretical foundation, development, and feasibility testing of an online, evidence-based intervention for teen dating violence prevention designed for dissemination. Teen Choices, a program for healthy, nonviolent relationships, relies on the transtheoretical model of behavior change and expert system technology to deliver assessments and feedback matched to stage of change for using healthy relationship skills. The program also tailors feedback to dating status, risk level, and other key characteristics. Ninety-nine students from high schools in Tennessee and Rhode Island completed a Teen Choices session and 97 completed an 11-item acceptability evaluation. Of participants, 100% completed the intervention session as intended. Evaluations of the program were favorable: 88.7% agreed the program feedback was easy to understand, and 86.7% agreed that the program could help people develop healthier relationships. Findings provide encouraging evidence of the acceptability and feasibility of this approach to dating violence prevention.     

Do the Root Causes of Civil War Matter? On Using Knowledge to Improve Peacebuilding Interventions

Abstract

The normative and practical success of the 1990s campaign on the right and responsibility to intervene to stop civil wars should be acknowledged so that policy and research can move on to the more pressing question of how we intervene and improve on currently inadequate results. This essay confronts a standard explanation, the failure to address the root causes of a conflict. It argues from academic research on three aspects – the knowledge on causes shaping current policies, the interests of those who matter in intervention, and the new research on civil war – that a focus on root causes would not improve outcomes and could even be counterproductive.     

The Tragedy of Liberal Diplomacy: Democratization,Intervention, Statebuilding (Part II)

Abstract

The first part of this paper (in the previous issue) showed that the democracy promotion policies often perceived as characteristic of the New World Order are not so new. Rather, they were an integral part of the modernization theories and policies of the Cold War era. This second part of the paper shows that the democracy transition paradigm is based on precisely the same liberal assumptions as its predecessor and that, like the former, its theories and policies have widely been identified as failing. This failure leads to interventionist and statebuilding policies which in turn trigger resistances in target countries; a pattern already familiar from the Cold War period. We are confronted, thus, neither with a new world order nor with the end of history but rather with its repetition. And this repetitive cycle of counterproductive theories and policies, the paper concludes, will continue for as long as the liberal ideology underpinning it remains essentially unchallenged.     

经济法之政府干预的宪政解读

宪政之于经济法的法治要求,意味着国家干预经济的一切活动都应当有相应的法律依据,国家干预经济的行为应该受到制约。经济宪政是以保障基本权利为基础、以社会本位为核心价值的宪政理念。为了实现政府干预的宪政目标,应限制行政权力,要求政府干预遵循法治化的进程,以确保宪政经济权利并接受违宪审查。     

The Structure of Government Intervention in African Agriculture

This article examines the determinants of various rates of agricultural subsidies (output, input, exchange rate distortions, and aggregate) using commodity-level data from eight African countries in the 1980s. Econometric results indicate that structural adjustment policies were more effective in reforming exchange rate distortions than in liberalising commodity markets. Output policies are determined within the national context while input subsidies are more responsive to commodity-specific conditions. Further-more, agricultural subsidies were strongly influenced by the degree of urbanisation and by the number of people per unit of arable land in a manner consistent with cheap food policy strategies.     

Reinventing the Hong Kong state or rediscovering it? From low interventionism to eclectic corporatism

Abstract

The low-intervention state of Hong Kong in colonial times did not originate from strong neo-liberal ideological convictions. It was an artefact of the colonial political configuration, a pragmatic governing strategy adapting to the political and economic needs at the time. Political changes, economic restructuring, divestiture and marketization of state institutions since the 1980s had brought a new state form after 1997. A new business and professional elite class, embedded in an eclectic corporatist structure, evolved and brought multilateral, ad hoc and particularistic bargaining, leading to more sectoral intervention after 1997. Fragmented state institutions nonetheless weakened state capacity, making it difficult for the post-1997 state to be highly penetrative, transformative or developmental.     

《保护的责任》对"不干涉内政原则"的影响

2001年12月,"干预与国家主权委员会"发布了《保护的责任》的研究报告.报告提出了这样的中心观点,即一个国家有责任保护本国国民免受可以避免的灾难,具体说就是免遭大规模屠杀、强奸和饥饿.如果这个国家没有能力或者不愿意履行它的这种责任,那么国际社会就应当对此进行干预,从而代替这个国家履行这种保护的责任.这种观点强调了尊重人权的重要性,这本是无可厚非的.但是,这种观点同时也对国际法的基本原则,特别是不干涉内政原则造成了冲击.这引起了包括中国在内的国际社会的注意.     

试论政府干预及其法律规制

作为市场经济制度的两种基本经济调节力量,自由市场与政府干预二者关系问题一直是经济学界和经济法学界争论的焦点。市场缺陷导致市场失灵,使政府干预有其合理性;政府干预并非完美无缺,也有其局限性。鉴于我国社会主义市场经济体制下的政府干预不能很好地适应市场经济发展的需要,以法为市场经济提供制度保障,保护市场免受任意的政府行为的干涉,需要规制政府干预,有效匡正政府失灵。经济法作为“干预政府之法”理所当然应做出相应的法律规制。     

Economic constitutionalism: Path for state to intervene in the economy

Constitutional agreement and support is a necessity to a legitimate collective economic action. The purpose of economic constitutionalism is to determine the due process of government economic actions. Economic constitutionalism can provide a set of constitutional economic commands for the social economic actions. It is a path that allows the state to intervene in the economy. Under the structure of economic constitutionalism, liberty and intervention can be balanced. Only the intervention defined and established by an economic democratic mechanism can avoid economic autocracy. The share of economic powers by both the state and the social members can safeguard the social and democratic nature of intervention. Intervention is not always accompanied by the public, and the public is not inevitably superior to individuals. Individualism in the public is the value guide to form the public.