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41.
李士坤 《理论学刊》2007,1(5):60-64
人性、人权、人道主义是资产阶级思想家所提出的,对历史发展曾经起过进步作用。从社会主义发展史来看,社会主义与人性、人权、人道主义理论有着渊源关系。社会主义在理论形态上是这些理论原则更为彻底的发展。马克思主义人学理论既继承了以往全部人学理论的精华,又在实践的基础上把人学推进到完全科学的水平。从世界社会主义发展的历史来看,社会主义国家必须过好人道主义这一关,这就必须重新认识人学在马克思主义中的地位,认真学习和大力宣传马克思主义人学,使之成为人们自觉的武器,以抵制帝国主义实施的“西化、分化”的战略。  相似文献   
42.
Following a brief historical account documenting developments in Australian Immigration politics and refugee and asylum seeker policies, this paper seeks to explain why Sudanese refugees in Victoria have recently been implicated in an increased involvement in crime by politicians and the media. It will be argued that the alleged increase involvement in crime has been constructed by the Government and the media – in order to justify the Australian Government's policy responses to the refugee crisis, to create public acceptance of such policies, and additionally for political gain. These policies were part of the Australian Government's wider policies on maintaining a homogenous Australian identity and have negatively impacted minority groups. Ultimately such policies encouraged racism and segregation in local communities, thus tarnishing Australia's multicultural standing.  相似文献   
43.
刑法和道德是社会存在、发展不可或缺的两种行为规范,道德和刑法之间具有内在牵连,表现在刑法的各个方面,如刑事政策、刑事责任和刑法基本原则等。本文要探讨的是刑法基本原则和道德之间的关系,即刑法基本原则的道德属性:罪刑法定原则立足于功利主义,罪刑相适应原则奠基于人道主义,适用刑法平等原则是公正精神的表征。  相似文献   
44.
人权作为最低限度的普遍道德权利,它包含的生命权和公正权必须是对所有的人同等享有才符合正当的人道原则的要求。对于那些直接危害他人生命的暴力型犯罪的罪犯而言,他们不仅表现了对他人生命的不尊重,而且他们的存在使得社会上其他人的生命面临着潜在的危险的威胁。如果从人道主义角度免除这类罪犯的死刑,那么这种非生命刑所体现的“人道”本身就是不公正和不人道的。基于此,本文主张对暴力型犯罪适用死刑,对非暴力型犯罪废除死刑。  相似文献   
45.
This essay seeks to understand and explain the birth of ForcedMigration Studies. It argues that the turn from Refugee Studiesto Forced Migration Studies must be viewed against the backdropof the history and relationship of colonialism and humanitarianism,as a certain commonality binds the past and present eras. Themove to Forced Migration Studies accompanies the inaugurationof a phase of political humanitarianism with a distinct accent,albeit encapsulated in new forms and issues, on ‘civilizing’the Other. In making this contention the paper distances itselffrom both the defenders and critics of the turn to Forced MigrationStudies. It inter alia contends that Refugee Studies, like ForcedMigration Studies, has served the geopolitics of hegemonic states.But since all knowledge is dual use, both have also had humanitarianeffects. But a greater degree of disciplinary reflexivity wouldgo a long way to ensure that the genuinely humanitarian strandin Forced Migration Studies prevails.  相似文献   
46.
Abstract

This article explores the efforts by Aileen Fitzpatrick, the Australian social worker, who repatriated child refugees from Greece at the height of the Greek Civil War, to reconstruct ‘healthy, happy family units’. I explore several themes. First, Fitzpatrick’s argument for the unification of families echoed the view that the family unit represented democracy and freedom in the post-war period. Second, an appeal to reuniting family became a successful strategy for crossing cold war lines when dealing with several governments. Third, for Fitzpatrick child saving from war and reuniting families was perceived to be essential to democracy, humanitarianism and internationalism. Finally, by taking a biographical approach, the details of the experience of family emerge in new ways. A focus on Fitzpatrick’s strategies suggests family rhetoric could be used to both promote and yet also cross cold war lines. More broadly, this article seeks to embed the history of the family within the general history of the post-war period as a way of highlighting how the ideal of the family was mobilised in rhetoric on freedom, democracy and the future and which in practice revealed the severe challenges facing families after the war.  相似文献   
47.
本文从小说《这里的黎明静悄悄……》入手,借助对小说文本的剖析,一路追问抽象模拟的人道主义理论在文艺作品中遭遇具体化、个性化、集中化处理时,不得不直面的尴尬:创作主体由于无法超越的性别定位,使人道主义与性别意识的话语对接在艺术层面造成断裂的遗憾。在这种意义上的战争题材对于人道主义的表现,留下了深深的遗憾,即一半的人道主义。  相似文献   
48.
Anne Hammerstad 《圆桌》2015,104(4):457-471
Abstract

In recent years, concerns over whether the humanitarian regime as we know it will survive a many-pronged challenge have spurred humanitarian organisations to embark on processes of soul-searching and innovation. With a steadily increasing aid budget and its more active and vocal role in development and humanitarian politics—and in global politics more generally—India has acquired the label of ‘emerging’ humanitarian actor. This article, however, shows that in many ways India has been a humanitarian pioneer, and connects the norms and values of the international humanitarian regime with India’s own philosophical, religious and democratic traditions. It also discusses how Indian policy-makers have critiqued the current United Nations-led international humanitarian regime and investigates how the government of an increasingly powerful and influential Commonwealth country from the South interacts with an international regime created in Europe. For many Indian policy-makers, current humanitarian practices are tainted by what they see as North American and European interventionist and highly political agendas in the South. The article concludes that while there is still a lot to be said for a global, multilateral humanitarian regime led by the United Nations, it need not be Western-biased, either in theory or in practice.  相似文献   
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