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931.
在危机治理中,认同作为一种社会资本,能够培养人们对政府政策与制度的支持和参与。认同有助于政府实现社会动员,极大地化解和避免危机,并有助于消除二元结构的认同困境,恢复和发展社会良序。  相似文献   
932.
The current study objective was to develop a revised version of the Measure of Criminal Social Identity (MCSI) with an increased number of indicators to more reliably capture three MCSI dimensions. Dimensionality and construct validity of the Measure of Criminal Social Identity – Revised (MCSI-R) was examined among a sample of systematically selected inmates (N = 2192). Four competing models of the MCSI-R were specified and tested using Mplus with weighted least squares with mean and variance adjustment estimation. Bifactor model with three meaningful factors (cognitive centrality, in-group affect and in-group ties) while controlling for the general factor was the best fit for the data. Good composite reliability of the three MCSI-R dimensions was established. The three subscales of the MCSI-R evidence differential predictive utility for prisonization, number of incarcerations, self-esteem and violent offending. Practical implications and directions for future research are discussed.  相似文献   
933.
论土地征用之公益目的性   总被引:10,自引:1,他引:9  
黄东东 《河北法学》2004,22(5):52-54
公益目的性是土地征用制度合法性的基础 ,由于价值判断的多元性 ,对公共利益的理解千差万别。公共利益实际上并非纯粹抽象的概念 ,对其进行解释有可能性和现实必要性。我国应改变土地征用行为中由行政机关随意解释公共利益的制度设计  相似文献   
934.
In multiparty contexts, we know that affective polarization tends to cluster in ideological blocs, although the factors driving this process are still quite unexplored. In this paper, we contribute to filling this gap in the literature by exploring the capacity of ideological identity vis-à-vis issue-based ideology to polarize sentiments towards party voters into two opposing left-right blocs. Specifically, we provide empirical evidence that affective attachments to ideological labels increase the affective distance between ideological blocs to a greater extent than issue extremity and issue consistency. These bipolarizing effects of ideological identity persist even when the identity is inconsistent with issue-based ideology. Additionally, we show that bipolar affective polarization exerts little reverse influence on ideological identity. We support these arguments using an original survey from the TRI-POL project carried out in five multiparty systems: Argentina, Chile, Italy, Portugal and Spain.  相似文献   
935.
Concerns over affective polarization in Western democracies are growing. But which broader political distinctions are also affective demarcations? As inter-party cooperation is the rule in multi-party democracies, explaining affective polarization beyond partisan divisions is crucial. I argue that demarcations between political camps deepen affective polarization, and country-level factors influence the relevance of these affective divides. Based on survey data from 23 Western democracies (1996–2019), I demonstrate that affect is most polarized between Left and Right camps, and between the Radical Right and other camps. Further, these divides are dynamic and depend on different country-level outcomes. The Left/Right divide disappears when Left and Right parties govern together, while the Radical Right divide is fortified with Radical Right electoral success. These findings highlight that affective polarization’s group foundations extend beyond partisanship, and that affective polarization could even act as a defence mechanism against radical challengers.  相似文献   
936.
There is increasing attention to the mass public in the politics of trade debate, yet we still know little about how Americans formulate opinion on trade. Scholars are puzzled by the ineffectiveness of traditional dispositional beliefs to account for trade policy judgment, while an emerging economic self-interest perspective contends that opinion on trade is based on material concerns. This article demonstrates how symbolic predispositions provide critical information shortcuts for Americans on trade in which the relationship between trade policy and economic self-interest may be unclear. Symbolic politics theory explains how citizens can rely on accessible symbolic predispositions, including conceptions of national identity, in an unfamiliar and evolving trade policy environment often subject to multiple and conflicting cues, limited political information, and changing economic circumstances.  相似文献   
937.
董逢谷 《河北法学》2006,24(12):22-30
首先在阐述编制事故实发指数意义的基础上,给出实发指数的数学定义及其多角度评估监管安全整体状况的作用;其次就编制实发指数的具体统计技术进行较为详尽的介绍,包括监管安全事故的界定与数据采集、事故类型与级别区分、数据的整理描述、事故分值的汇总、事故的季节变动分析、各种实发指数的编制与实证;最后指明建设监管安全预警系统的路径.  相似文献   
938.
Embellish and vilify is a normal standard in the seventeen year's literature critic. Embellish often means mistakenly embellishing the figures of the bourgeoisie, petty bourgeois, the feudalism and the Kuomintang reactionaries and US imperialism in literary works. On the other hand, vilify indicates vilifying the figures of peasant mass, soldiers of PLA, the CPC members and the new society etc. Firstly, the distorted embellished and vilified criticism exerts important effect on literature itself and the certain scope of writing is disciplined; therefore literary narration becomes a type of “passive narration”. Although the embellished and vilified criticism is against the historical and art reality, from the logic of politics, its application has certain sense of inevitability and rationality. Secondly, there exists logic in aspect of national cultural psychology. Finally, there is logic of emotion. The criticism pattern of embellishing and vilifying still has real warning function in the existing literature criticism practices.  相似文献   
939.
Thirteen preservice youth work students participated in learning experiences designed to enhance literacies in mental health. The aim of this grounded theory study was to explicate the process of mental health literacy enhancement and application to child and youth care practice. Sixty-two unique sources of data were used in analyses. Findings suggest that mental health literacies are intertwined with the process of developing a professional identity. In this article, the subcategory de/valuing youth work is explained and involves participants managing a confusing role, adopting a misfit stance, battling and building a seat at the interprofessional table, and valuing professional contributions. Implications for professional identity development, professionalization and mental health education are offered.  相似文献   
940.
This paper examines the nineteenth-century census as an early information technology and a medium for the transnational exchange of ideas in the nineteenth century. In particular, it considers how the ideas discussed by the International Statistical Congresses were directly applied in the newly established kingdom of Bulgaria in the first censuses from 1881 to 1888. It then examines how the legacy of Ottoman rule and the categories of the nineteenth-century Ottoman censuses unconsciously influenced the first census of Bulgaria, despite the desire of the new rulers to mark a significant break with the past. It also demonstrates how the nationalist feeling in the multi-ethnic former territory of the Ottoman Empire influenced the seemingly neutral categories of the first census. These categories then began to produce an implicit representation of the ideal Bulgarian citizen and so started the process of exclusion of the Turkish-speaking or Muslim population from full membership of the new body politic.  相似文献   
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