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971.
胡捷 《西南政法大学学报》2012,14(6):97-101
良好的信用是每个社会成员、企业和单位立足于社会的必要条件,是经济社会健康发展的前提。针对失信横行的现实,基于道德规范约束的失效和其他部门法调整的不足,刑事立法和刑事司法理应要加强对信用犯罪的规制。但如何有效规制,就不仅需要完善信用犯罪刑事立法,扩充实体罪名,降低入罪门槛,提高罚金刑执行到位率,搭建法律衔接平台,更重要的是,要加快社会征信系统建设,完善信用犯罪的预防体系,才能从根本上减少信用犯罪的发生。 相似文献
972.
近年来食品安全事件层出不穷,食品安全问题已成为备受关注的社会问题,并由此引发了诸多社会矛盾.这些社会矛盾具有普遍性、主体多元性、持久隐性与偶发性相结合等特点.食品问题社会矛盾的增加一方面是社会转型期的必然产物,而法律体系不健全,执法体制不完善则是根本原因.因此,解决矛盾的关键因素在于完善食品安全监管法律体系. 相似文献
973.
我国法律目前并没有禁止已婚者变性的规定。按照法无禁止即许可原则,只要其符合医学上有关变性的公认条件,就应当确认和保护他们的变性权。同时,已婚者实施变性手术不应以离婚为前提条件。我们应当加快立法步伐,从法律上赋予其变性权利,并将变性作为夫妻感情确已破裂的法定理由。 相似文献
974.
大规模侵权损害赔偿基金:基本原理与制度构建 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
在风险社会背景下,大规模侵权造成的众多受害人的救济需求及对社会稳定形成的压力,需要建立符合中国国情的救济模式及社会管理思路的创新。赔偿基金是实践证明的行之有效的应对大规模侵权事件的技术性方案,建议由国务院尽快制定《大规模侵权损害赔偿基金条例》,明确规定赔偿基金的设立机制、运行规范、赔偿标准及与民事诉讼等救济途径的关系等重大问题,实现赔偿基金的制度化、规范化。被侵权人选择赔偿基金的救济方式,应当签订和解协议,放弃提起民事诉讼的权利。 相似文献
975.
虚假离婚诉讼的愈演愈烈,损害了司法权威和司法公正。由于法律规则的模糊性和虚假离婚诉讼的隐蔽性,识别与防范房屋拆迁中的虚假离婚是困扰理论界和实务界的难点问题。规则之下的司法裁量是处理虚假离婚诉讼的基本思路。规范司法裁量的适用,可以给民众确定的预期与指引。 相似文献
976.
During the COVID 2019 pandemic, the healthcare sector faced major jurisprudential questions about the intellectual property system. During this period, the world was in the midst of a healthcare crisis, wherein the debate between the reward for innovation versus accessibility to all at equitable rates have become intense. In a such challenging scenario, the scientific community were dedicated toward the research while the healthcare industry was indulging in arguments over the incentives on creation. In this paper, the authors, as IP researchers, argue that in a scenario where there is an intense dispute over innovation versus accessibility, probably patent pool can serve as a mechanism to handle the tussle. The authors have analyzed a few patent pool models that were chosen on the basis of the types of patents in the pool. Additionally, an attempt is made to scrutinize the laws governing patent pools in developed countries and developing countries. In doing so, the authors draw the benefits and limitations of the patent pools in healthcare. We follow a qualitative research methodology. The research is based on secondary data and has some limitations because of this. 相似文献
977.
In a diverse range of European countries, there has been an increase in the proportion of pupils attending schools owned by private bodies but funded by the state. This article compares the policy development and governance of private government-dependent schools in three countries/regions: England, Sweden and Berlin/Brandenburg in Eastern Germany. It is found that the regulatory frameworks vary and are associated with specific policy goals and ideas, with apparently similar ideas having different meanings. It is also found that the growth of private government-dependent schools is related to policy goals, differing institutional configurations and political parties. 相似文献
978.
This article responds to Michael Blauberger and Berthold Rittberger's article “Conceptualizing and theorizing EU regulatory networks,” published in Regulation & Governance in 2015. Blauberger and Rittberger challenged our previous work on the politics of Eurocracy, disputing our argument that political considerations, not functional ones, explain the choice of bureaucratic structure in the European Union (EU). Blauberger and Rittberger suggest that functional considerations do indeed explain why policymakers sometimes prefer governance through European Regulatory Networks rather than through more centralized EU agencies, and argue that we have misunderstood the preferences of EU legislative principals. In this article, we argue that there are significant flaws in Blauberger and Rittberger's analysis on both theoretical and empirical grounds. We show that a proper interpretation of developments in both telecoms and competition lends support to our theoretical claims and not those offered by Blauberger and Rittberger. 相似文献
979.
Philip Andrews-Speed;Nur Azha Putra; 《Regulation & Governance》2024,18(4):1246-1263
The International Atomic Energy Agency asserts that the regulation of the safety of civil nuclear power requires national regulatory agencies to be effectively independent. However, in the early years of national civil nuclear power programs national nuclear industries were dominated by iron triangles or subgovernments of powerful actors with an interest in promoting the industry. The creation of an independent safety regulator requires a radical restructuring of the national governance framework. Windows of opportunity or critical junctures for such reform occur only occasionally. This paper examines the cases of France, Japan, and India to identify the factors that determine the degree of success in attempts to break the power of nuclear iron triangles or subgovernments and create an effectively independent regulator. This analysis shows a serious nuclear accident can create the opportunity to dismantle an iron triangle. The extent and speed with which reforms can be implemented depend greatly on pre-existing and prevailing conditions. Key determinants include the power structures and attitudes toward nuclear power in elite politics, the degree of engagement of civil society, and pressures from international organizations. Of these, the first, elite politics, appears to be the most important in these three cases. 相似文献
980.
Michele Crepaz;Gizem Arikan; 《Regulation & Governance》2024,18(3):896-913
Scholarly evidence of transparency's beneficial effects on trust and perceptions of corruption remains debated and confined to the study of public administration. We contribute to this debate by extending the study of its effects to transparency legislation concerning members of parliament (MPs), political parties, and business interest groups. In an online experiment conducted in Ireland with 1373 citizens, we find that transparency in political donations improves trust in political parties, while asset declaration for conflict of interest prevention reduces perceptions of corruption toward MPs. However, transparency in lobbying is found to have no impact on attitudes toward business interest groups. This supports the common expectation that transparency improves political trust and reduces perceptions of corruption, but also confirms its complex effects. The study improves our understanding of transparency beyond open government providing an evaluation of different regulatory policies aimed at making the activities of parties, MPs, and lobby groups transparent. 相似文献