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251.
云南省哲学社会科学规划办公室 《思想战线》2002,28(2):12-16
在建立社会主义市场经济、建设有中国特色社会主义的过程中 ,必须以“三个代表”的重要思想为指导 ,充分重视哲学社会科学研究的重大意义。云南省哲学社会科学研究在全省的经济社会发展中发挥了重要作用。进入 2 1世纪 ,新时期对云南省哲学社会科学研究提出了更高的要求 ,坚持“与时俱进” ,推进理论创新 ,才能使哲学社会科学研究更好地为党和政府决策服务 ,为建设云南民族文化大省服务 相似文献
252.
我国民族教育课程研究:回顾与前瞻 总被引:8,自引:1,他引:8
民族教育特殊性的重要载体与表现形式是课程。随着我国学者对民族教育特殊性认识的加深、对民族学生心理特征研究的起步 ,以及对国外多元文化教育的介绍 ,民族教育中的课程问题研究 ,经历了不同的发展阶段 ,取得了一些研究成果。但却明显表现出研究范畴不明、研究视野狭窄、理论深度不够、方法单一等问题。因此深化民族教育课程理论研究、开阔研究视野、关注课程改革实验 ,逐步形成民族教育课程理论体系是新的历史背景下民族教育课程研究的重要走向 相似文献
253.
清代杰出的语言学家段玉裁,继承戴震的唯物主义世界观和朴素的辩证法思想,并以此作为自己注解《说文解字》的指导原则。段注的哲学思想主要表现在用“实事求是”的态度研究语言、考察语词;用变化、发展的观点看待和研究语言现象;用相互联系的观点研究语言文字现象;用“内容决定形式,形式反映内容”的观点研究语言现象;以对立统一的矛盾观分析和研究语言现象。 相似文献
254.
经济全球化与国家主权 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
孙健 《南京政治学院学报》2000,16(3):54-57
经济全球化是21世纪世界经济发展的大趋势。经济全球化的不断发展,对现代主权国家在国际体系中的地位作用、对国家主权的范围等产生了强烈的冲击和影响。“历史终结论”、“民族国家终结论”、“主权终结论”、“超国家主义”等观点是站不住脚的。主权观念没有过时。面对经济全球化给国家主权带来的挑战,包括中国在内的广大发展中国家,应积极寻求维护国家主权的基本对策。 相似文献
255.
论毛泽东对外开放思想的内容和特点及其历史局限性 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
郑学祥 《广东行政学院学报》2000,12(3):13-21
毛泽东对外开放思想是毛泽东思想的有机构成,是中国共产党对外开放思想的重要组成部分。本文就毛泽东对外开放思想的基本内容和特点及其历史局限性进行较为系统的研究,为新时期的对外开放提供借鉴。 相似文献
256.
赵春荣 《广东行政学院学报》2000,12(3):33-40
文章从5个方面对邓小平的金融思想进行了具体的的概括和阐述:(1)在金融工作总的指导思想上,要坚持“核心论”,办好大金融;(2)在金融改革的取向选择上,要坚持“杠杆论”,强化对科技进步的金融支持;(3)要把银行办成真正的银行;(4)要稳步推进资本市场;(5)积极利用外资,促进中国金融走向世界。同时,文章还阐明,要在全社会尤其是各级领导干部和金融行业中,深入开展邓小平金融理论的学习,大力普及宣传金融基本知识和金融法律知识,树立和增强金融风险意识与金融法治意识;在邓小平金融思想的指导下,在金融改革的步伐上,步子应再迈大一些,积极进行金融创新,并应高度重视金融安全。 相似文献
257.
ABSTRACT The adivasi population represents a special case in India’s new land wars. Strong individual and community rights to agricultural and forest lands have been enacted for this group based on notions of adivasi identities as primeval, but without linking these to economic and political influence. This article interrogates the adivasi land question seen through a caste lens. It does so via case studies in two states to understand the ways in which adivasi identity can be mobilised for its instrumental value and used to demand land rights. In Andhra Pradesh, the Supreme Court’s Samatha Judgement has prevented virtually all private mining activities. In Jharkhand, however, similar legislation is seen to be trumped by the national Coal Bearing Areas Act, as well as by former and current land acquisition acts that allow industrial land claims to take precedence over identity-based ones. Available evidence indicates the challenges involved in bringing support for land rights that are premised on a supposedly unchanging adivasi identity when these rights go against dominant interests. This circumstance serves to highlight the possibilities present in caste analysis to understand the plight of adivasis, despite their usually distinct treatment in scholarly analyses. 相似文献
258.
Gazela Pudar Draško Irena Fiket Jelena Vasiljević 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2020,20(1):199-219
ABSTRACTThis paper provides a comparative analysis of social movements’ characteristics and capacities to struggle against illiberal tendencies and incite political change in Serbia and North Macedonia. First, we discuss the illiberal elements of political regimes in the countries in question, Serbia and North Macedonia. Then, we provide a comprehensive overview of progressive social movements in the two countries, formed and organized as a response to different authoritarian and non-democratic tendencies. Finally, we point to some differences in their organizing, coalition-forging and issue-defining principles, which, we believe, may help to explain the relative success of social movements in North Macedonia in producing relevant political outcomes, compared to the weak political impact of social movements in Serbia. Empirical data were collected during the summer of 2018 through in-depth interviews with members of social movements in North Macedonia and Serbia. 相似文献
259.
Věra Stojarová 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2020,20(1):221-236
ABSTRACTThe article concludes the Special Issue, Illiberal Politics in Southeast Europe, on the retreat of liberal democracy in the region. It focuses on the central themes that link all the papers together: free and fair elections, media freedom, judicial independence, privileged access to public resources and the role of civil society. It seeks to disentangle the causes and consequences of illiberal politics in the region and explores the similarities in the illiberal practices and strategies incumbents use with the aim of staying in power indefinitely. The main argument is that democratic backsliding in Southeast Europe is deeply rooted in the unfinished transitions of the 1990s, which gave rise to new political and economic elites and that blending those two into one resulted in the dominance of the executive over the judiciary and legislature. These new elites became entrenched during the wars and conflicts that affected the region. The enabling factors were of societal origin – clientelist practices, corruption, nepotism and mistrust in politics accompanied by external factors – as well as international pull and push factors (from the EU and Russia) along with a domino effect of democratic backsliding in the region. 相似文献
260.
Damir Kapidžić 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2020,20(1):1-17
ABSTRACTDemocracy is backsliding throughout Southeast Europe but there are no signs of full democratic breakdown. Instead, political parties and their leaders incrementally undermine challenges to governmental authority while keeping electoral contest largely intact. This article introduces a special issue that aims to examine and explain democratic decline by looking at the prevalence of illiberal politics across countries and issues. In order to overcome the limitations of fixed regime classification we adopt a procedural lens and look into governing practices that gradually tilt the electoral playing field. Utilizing the concept of Illiberal politics allows us to examine sets of policies enacted by political parties in government with the aim to remain in power indefinitely. By tracing democratic decline in Serbia, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Albania, and Croatia we observe different patterns of weakness, but also common causes arising from weak institutions and inherited governance practices that preserve executive dominance, patronage, and informality. 相似文献