安徽庐江县域经济可持续发展研究

安徽庐江县资源丰富,但至今仍属于欠发达地区。该县产业结构层次较低,农业还处于传统阶段,工业规模小,技术落后。从可持续发展的眼光看,这是一种畸形的经济。根据庐江县经济发展现状及自身资源条件,庐江县经济应依托资源优势,以旅游业为龙头,以农业特色产业经营、采矿业和流通业为主导,促使农林及其它产业得到可持续协调发展。     

节约型社会视角下的循环经济立法

发展循环经济,加快建设资源节约型、环境友好型、经济循环型社会,促进经济发展与人口、资源、环境相协调成为今后我国经济发展的一项重大任务。而这一任务的完成以相关法律法规的制定为基础。加快我国循环经济法制建设需要联系我国的实际情况,对我国循环经济法制建设的实践及其存在的问题进行系统研究,同时借鉴发达国家的循环经济立法经验,有针对性地提出符合我国实际的循环经济立法的建议和主张。     

加快桂林城区经济发展对策研究

改革开放以来,桂林城区经济为桂林全市经济社会发展做出了重大贡献。但是,在桂林城区经济发展过程中存在着一些阻碍因素和体制机制问题,影响了城区经济的健康快速发展。因此,如何理顺关系、完善相关机制体制等以确保城区经济快速发展成为当务之急。     

打造国际品牌提高企业经济效益--以格力电器为例

任何一家企业其生产经营的核心目标就是追求利润,因为利润是企业的血液,如果没有利润,企业就无法生存,更谈不上长足发展。经历了一场全球性的金融危机后,在全球经济举步维艰、市场需求持续不振的大环境下,海内外家电巨头纷纷陷入困境。然而在激烈的国际竞争市场上,在国内劳动力和原材料价格不断提升、难以取得核心技术突破的情况下,格力电器却做出了非常明智的抉择,即通过专业化生产、实施精品战略、走国际化道路打造国际品牌,进而提升格力产品价格、获取规模经济效益、吸引优秀人才、占领国际市场并实现供需双赢,最终使格力电器成功实现了迄今为止、全球首个依靠单一品类突破千亿元的家电品牌,从而保持了格力电器在全球家电产业中的霸主地位,让"中国制造"再次领跑在全球家电行业的最前列。     

推动金融创新 促进非公有制企业跨越发展——以贵州省为例

近年来,随着经济体制改革的推进和深化,贵州非公有制经济取得了长足发展,在整个国民经济中所占比重不断提高,对促进贵州经济社会发展发挥了重要作用。然而,融资难的问题始终是严重制约非公有制经济发展的瓶颈。破解非公有制经济融资难,是一项复杂的系统工程,需要健全非公有制企业政策法规体系、创新贵州知识产权质押贷款模式、建立规范的现代企业制度、推进贵州中小企业上市、发展完善非公有制企业贷款担保机构、积极发展民间融资等方式,拓宽非公有制企业融资渠道。     

浅论提升吉林省科技创新能力

党的十八大报告指出：科技创新是提高社会生产力和综合国力的战略支撑,必须摆在国家发展全局的核心位置.同样,提高科技创新能力也是促进区域经济可持续发展的重要动力源泉.目前,吉林省正处经济转型发展的关键时期,因此,加大政府对科技创新的支持力度、充分发挥企业自主创新的主体作用、建立产学研合作体系等是提升吉林省科技创新能力的重要途径.     

Unpacking collective efficacy: the relationship between social cohesion and informal social control

The investigation of social mechanisms within social disorganization theory has led to the concept of collective efficacy. Collective efficacy has typically been measured as a composite of social cohesion and informal control; however, more work remains to be done with respect to the measurement of informal control and the modeling of the relationship between cohesion and control. The present study addresses this issue by using multiple operationalizations of informal social control. Results suggest that respondents rely upon their ability to call the police as a method, by which they exercise informal control over their area of residence. Moreover, the cohesion and control scales are distinct from one another, which adds to the literature showing that they are better treated as separate scales. In regression models, cohesion emerges as largely unrelated to individuals’ propensity to intervene in neighborhood problems, but enhances their perceptions of their neighbors’ likelihood of intervention. Future research should continue investigating different types of informal control and each one’s relationship with cohesion. Policy recommendations include the need for police to be prepared to respond to a variety of neighborhood problems, many of which are not directly crime related but, nonetheless, have important implications for informal crime-control efforts.     

对市场经济是法治经济的思考

市场经济是实行法治的经济。社会主义市场经济必须依靠法治来克服“丛林法则”的负面效应 ,来解决市场、政府和契约“三大失灵”问题。必须加快我国的立法节奏 ,完善行政执法、司法制度 ,建立健全强有力的监督机制 ,切实推进我国社会主义市场经济的法治化进程。     

国家权威碎裂化:成因、影响及对策分析

近年来 ,国际上有些学者提出了对中国国家权威结构的新的分析范式 ,其核心论点是 ,随着改革的深入 ,中国的国家权威正经历着一场碎裂化的过程。国家权威碎裂化在现实的政治行政过程中有种种表现 ,较集中地表现为公共政策的“非公共化” ,行政过程中执法者个人对自我利益的追逐 ,行政自由裁量权的滥用 ,以及非正式规则的盛行等方面。克服国家权威碎裂化是一个必须面对的严峻课题 ,制度整合、政策整合、权力整合 ,职能整合 ,以及利益整合对于有效防止国家权威的碎裂化极为关键。     

Class and social policy in the knowledge economy

Recent studies of welfare state attitudes in the knowledge economy find very high generalized support for generous welfare state policies, both among the working and the middle classes. Has class become irrelevant as a predictor of social policy preferences? Or do we simply mis-conceptualise today's class conflict over social policy? To what extent has it changed from a divide over the level of social policy generosity to a divide over the kind of social policy and – more specifically – over the relative importance that should be given to different social policies? Answering these questions is not only relevant to understand welfare politics in the twenty-first century, but electoral politics as well: only when we understand what working- and middle-class voters care about, can we evaluate the role distributive policies play in electoral processes. We use original survey data from eight West European countries to show that middle- and working-class respondents indeed differ in the relative importance they attribute to social investment and social consumption policies. Middle-class respondents consistently attribute higher absolute and relative importance to social investment. We also show that this emphasis on investive policies relates to the middle class expecting better future economic and social opportunities than the working class. This divide in anticipated opportunities underlies a new kind of working- versus middle-class divide, which contributes to transforming the class divide from a conflict over the level of social policy to a conflict over the priorities of social policy.