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151.
刘小荣 《河北公安警察职业学院学报》2006,6(3):36-39
创新是治安管理实践的需要。面对不断变化的社会治安形势,根据管理创新的理论成果,治安管理应从理论创新、观念创新、组织创新和职能创新四个层面着手。治安管理创新对推动治安管理工作具有重要的现实意义。 相似文献
152.
Saatvika Rai 《政策研究评论》2020,37(4):444-463
The United States is experiencing growing impacts of climate change but currently receives a limited policy response from its national leadership. Within this policy void, many state governments are stepping up and taking action on adaptation planning. Yet we know little about why some states adopt State Adaptation Plans (SAPs), while others do not. This article investigates factors that predict the emergence of SAPs, both in terms of policy adoption and policy intensity (goal ambitiousness). Applying the diffusion of innovation theory, I consider the relative influence of internal state characteristics, regional pressures, and test for conditional effects between government ideologies and severity of the problem. The results show interesting differences between predictors that influence policy adoption and ambitiousness. States are more motivated to adopt a policy when faced with greater climate vulnerability, have more liberal citizenry, and where governments have crossed policy hurdles by previously passing mitigation plans. The intensity of policies and goal setting, moreover, is more likely to be driven by interest group politics and diffuse through policy learning or sharing information among neighboring states in Environmental Protection Agency regions. These findings support an emerging scholarship that uses more complex dependent variables in policy analysis. These variables have the potential to differentiate symbolic from substantive policies and capture finer information about predictors of importance. 相似文献
153.
Salvador Parrado 《Regulation & Governance》2020,14(3):599-615
Disasters challenge the equilibrium of regulatory regimes and make policy shifts more likely. Using an institutional theory of cultural biases and the concept of cultural “surprise”, this article analyses the direction and intensity of media argumentation in respect of policy shifts. Instead of assuming a demand for greater State intervention after dramatic focusing events, as suggested by other theoretical frames, cultural theory opens a variety of options that range from embracing regulatory responses from different cultural biases to the radicalization of current, but failing, instruments. The analysis of media reaction to the environmental disasters caused by the oil spills of Exxon Valdez (United States), Erika (France) and Prestige (Spain) shows that the demand for more hierarchy does not monopolize the overall argumentation. The change demanded often implies a radicalization of a particular prevalent view where the associated institutional setting is failing its supporters. 相似文献
154.
田刚 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2020,34(3):63-76
刑法对网络安全的保护立场,正由网络运行安全转向网络信息安全。刑事立法更新不断增设网络信息安全专属罪名的同时,刑事司法的定量评价体系却未能一体构建,成为网络安全刑法保护的薄弱环节。当前网络信息安全犯罪的定量评价体系缺乏明确的逻辑主线,同时适用错位的“传统法益侵害程度”量化标准和模糊的“数据规模”新型量化标准,无法满足网络信息安全专属罪名司法适用的准确性和统一性需求,导致了司法适用的困境。消弭规范和技术之间的差异,以“信息规模”为定量评价核心的基础上,建构信息价值的分层评价模型,并将“组信息”作为基础的数据规模计量单位,是大数据时代背景下,突破网络信息安全犯罪司法定量评价困境的合理路径。 相似文献
155.
刘雨亭 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2020,34(1):26-33
马克思主义的整体性是其内在逻辑结构的外部延伸,诠释马克思主义整体性必须内在于马克思主义的构建过程和逻辑结构。劳动范畴是马克思、恩格斯关于劳动问题的总体看法和根本观点,含蕴着马克思主义的逻辑整体。劳动范畴的科学化是马克思主义理论体系生成过程的缩影,成为马克思、恩格斯剖析人类社会演进问题的主线。劳动范畴的理论图景是马克思主义逻辑结构的映像,是连接马克思主义各个理论模块的枢纽。因而,劳动范畴是马克思主义的逻辑内核,为呈现马克思主义整体性的内在结构提供了新视角。 相似文献
156.
157.
Alexandra Loukas Ken G. Ripperger-Suhler Karissa D. Horton 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2009,38(6):804-812
This study examined (a) the associations between school connectedness and early adolescent adjustment problems over a 1 year
period and (b) the equivalence of these associations across gender. Five hundred middle school students (53.4% female), initially
in the 6th and 7th grades, participated in the two-wave study. Results from two-group cross-lagged panel analyses were consistent
across boys’ and girls’ data. After controlling for baseline levels of adjustment problems, school connectedness predicted
lower levels of early adolescent conduct problems 1 year later. Regarding the opposite direction of associations, and even
after baseline levels of school connectedness were taken into account, conduct problems predicted lower levels of subsequent
school connectedness. There were no cross-lagged associations between depressive symptoms and school connectedness, although
elevated levels of baseline depressive symptoms predicted higher levels of subsequent conduct problems. Findings elaborate
previous research by demonstrating that early adolescents actively shape the middle school environment.
相似文献
Karissa D. HortonEmail: |
158.
Self-determination theory emphasizes the importance of school-based autonomy and belongingness to academic achievement and psychological adjustment,
and the theory posits a model in which engagement in school mediates the influence of autonomy and belongingness on these
outcomes. To date, this model has only been evaluated on academic outcomes. Utilizing short-term longitudinal data (5-month
timeframe) from a set of secondary schools in the rural Midwest (N = 283, M age = 15.3, 51.9% male, 86.2% White), we extend the model to include a measure of positive adjustment (i.e., hope). We also
find a direct link between peer-related belongingness (i.e., peer support) and positive adjustment that is not mediated by
engagement in school. A reciprocal relationship between academic autonomy, teacher-related belongingness (i.e., teacher support)
and engagement in learning is supported, but this reciprocal relationship does not extend to peer-related belongingness. The
implications of these findings for secondary schools are discussed.
相似文献
Mark J. Van RyzinEmail: |
159.
21世纪初日本对外目标及外交战略探析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
21世纪初期,日本在坚持“普通国家化”既定战略目标的基础上,从国家战略原则、战略重点及国家利益出发,围绕日美同盟、联合国外交、亚洲外交、应对全球气候变化等战略重点,力求以“全方位外交”实现日本国家对外目标及外交战略意图。 相似文献
160.
A heated debate developed in South Africa as to the meaning of ‘deliberative democracy’. This debate is fanned by the claims of ‘traditional leaders’ that their ways of village-level deliberation and consensus-oriented decision-making are not only a superior process for the African continent as it evolves from pre-colonial tradition, but that it represents a form of democracy that is more authentic than the Western version. Proponents suggest that traditional ways of deliberation are making a come-back because imported Western models of democracy that focus on the state and state institutions miss the fact that in African societies state institutions are often seen as illegitimate or simply absent from people's daily lives. In other words, traditional leadership structures are more appropriate to African contexts than their Western rivals. Critics suggest that traditional leaders, far from being authentic democrats, are power-hungry patriarchs and authoritarians attempting to both re-invent their political, social and economic power (frequently acquired under colonial and apartheid rule) and re-assert their control over local-level resources at the expense of the larger community. In this view, the concept of deliberative democracy is being misused as a legitimating device for a politics of patriarchy and hierarchy, which is the opposite of the meaning of the term in the European and US sense. This article attempts to contextualise this debate and show how the efforts by traditional leaders to capture an intermediary position between rural populations and the state is fraught with conflicts and contradictions when it comes to forming a democratic state and society in post-apartheid South Africa. 相似文献