论我国《继承法》遗产范围的重构——兼评杨立新、杨震教授版《〈继承法〉修正草案建议稿》遗产范围规制

《继承法》以列举的方式具体规定了遗产范围,这种方式已经无法满足现今经济社会对《继承法》的客观要求。对遗产范围制度的修正,主要应通过采纳遗产概括承受主义,从而将消极财产纳入遗产范围中;采纳不完全遗产制度,以防止继承人恶意逃债;对新型财产性权益、具有人格要素的物、特定法律资格与行为的继承,则应不局限于其法学属性的理论争议,通过立法技术实现对其继承方式的法律规制。这种对《继承法》现代化修正的立法精神本质,是法律主体对因经济基础发生变革而导致的遗产种类多元化、遗产权利义务关系复杂化的法价值需求的实践活动,是对继承权客体制度本土化移植的体系化修正,从而实现法律上层建筑与社会经济基础相适应的法价值选择。     

评析《公司法》第72条——从股东同意权、优先购买权和异议股东购买义务关系的角度

近《公司法》第72条对有限责任公司股权的对外转让做出了规定,设计了股东同意权、优先购买权和异议股东购买义务3项制度,但是这3项制度之间存在功能的重叠。比较其他国家和地区的立法,或对股权对外转让采取自由主义原则,或只规定3项制度的1种或者2种。有必要对《公司法》第72条进行修改,单独规定股东优先购买权是比较好的方案。     

把警察权力关进制度的笼子——以警察权力扩张引发涉警群体性事件为视角

警察权力是国家权力的重要组成部分,它来源于公民权利,又服务于公民权利,两者既相互依存,又须保持动态平衡.而近年来涉警群体性事件的频发,从深层原因来分析,主要是由于警察权力的盲目扩张、高度扩张,造成警察权力的滥用,严重侵犯了人民群众自身的利益,因此一定要把警察权力关进制度的笼子,防止其侵害公民权益.     

“假冒他人署名”的性质认定

对假冒他人署名的定性问题有＂署名权说＂,但该说忽视了著作权依作品的创作而产生的原理。基于被冒名者的姓名被他人擅自利用的事实,应认定冒名行为侵害了被冒名者的姓名权。假冒他人署名往往还会侵害权利人的名誉权,也可能构成不正当竞争行为。     

论自愿戒毒:法规范、定位与制度创新

《戒毒条例》将自愿戒毒单独列为一章,使其成为我国的一项基本戒毒制度。但关于自愿戒毒,《戒毒条例》并不是简单地对《禁毒法》的相应规定进行细化,而是存在着严重的规范并用和冲突现象。只有对我国自愿戒毒的法律定位予以科学把握,才能发现和解决其在制度设计的相应问题。要从自愿戒毒的基本立场,即保护戒毒者的权利出发,推动我国自愿戒毒工作的开展,就必须进行相应的制度创新。一是将自愿戒毒作为首选性戒毒制度;二是加强戒毒医疗机构建设;三是推进戒毒药物维持治疗。     

Measuring error for adjacent policy position estimates: Dealing with uncertainty using CMP data

Careful users of CMP party position data should take the uncertainty of position estimates into account. We compare and evaluate two current approaches that provide error estimates for party positions. Researchers of the CMP group identify measurement error in quantitative content analysis as the cause of uncertainty about position estimates, whereas a second approach by Benoit et al. (2009) attributes the uncertainty of position estimates to a stochastic generation of election programs. We illustrate the commonalities and differences of these approaches and provide two empirical applications, the identification of the left–right order of parties and of policy shifts by parties, using CMP data for 25 countries. Despite conceptual differences, results in these applications are surprisingly similar.     

The first initiatives

The Greek election of May 2012 failed to produce a government, resulting in repeat elections six weeks later. This shock outcome was a symptom of a broader delegitimation of the national political system. Over the past decade Eurobarometer data show a much more extensive loss of confidence in political institutions in Greece than in the European Union as a whole. In a first phase, rising political discontent was managed within the traditional political framework through alternation in power between the two major parties. In contrast, the second phase, following the outbreak of the Greek sovereign debt crisis, led to the dramatic fragmentation of the party system and changed the mode of government formation. This process is not reversible and entails serious democratic dangers.     

政府信息公开救济制度研究

政府信息公开制度的构建意在保障公民知情权,建设服务型政府。救济制度不仅是政府信息公开制度实施的保障,而且是政府信息公开法律体系中不可缺少的一部分。本文主要从研究政府信息公开救济制度的理论基础入手,针对我国目前政府信息公开救济制度的现状,借鉴国外政府信息公开救济制度,提出了构建和完善我国政府信息公开法律救济制度的立法建议。     

美国各州监听立法研究

美国有联邦监听法律法规,但各州也根据自己的立法权制定了一些本州的监听法。宪法虽然为美国人权、隐私权提供了有效的保护伞,但自9.11以后,《美国爱国者法案》赋予了美国总统特权,监听扩权问题甚嚣尘上。但联邦层面上对监听问题的监督相对完善,对此的介绍也频见报端,但对各州监听立法的研究却鲜有所见。文章比较详尽地介绍了美国各州的监听立法情况,披露了各州监听立法的内容、执法程序、监督机制等等都不尽如人意,权力监督不力、滥用情况比较普遍,以资我国监听立法借鉴。     

Shifting borders: Islamophobia as common ground for building pan-European right-wing unity

ABSTRACT

In recent years, Islamophobia has become a useful tool for right-wing parties to mobilize electors in many European nation-states. The general xenophobic campaigns of the 1980s have given way to Islamophobia as a specific expression of racism. It is not only the new incarnations of right-wing populist parties that are making use of Islamophobic populism, but also right-wing extremist parties, whose traditions hark back to fascist or Nazi parties. This development appears unsurprising, as Islamophobia has somehow become a kind of ‘accepted racism’, found not only on the margins of European societies but also at the centre. Another interesting concomitant shift is the attempt by such parties to gain wider acceptance in mainstream societies by distancing themselves from a former antisemitic profile. While the main focus on an exclusive identity politics in the frame of nation-states previously divided the far right and complicated transnational cooperation, a shared Islamophobia has the potential to be a common ground for strengthening the transnational links of right-wing parties. This shift from antisemitism to Islamophobia goes beyond European borders and enables Europe's far right to connect to Israeli parties and the far right in the United States. Hafez's article explores this thesis by analysing the European Alliance for Freedom, a pan-European alliance of far-right members of the European parliament that has brought various formerly antagonistic parties together through a common anti-Muslim programme, and is trying to become a formal European parliamentary fraction in the wake of its victory in the European elections in May 2014.