Of change,training and public affairs in Europe

European public affairs practitioners need to be increasingly professional in their reactions to an EU undergoing transformational change. The paper offers a comprehensive summary of the subtleties of institutional change in Commission, Parliament and Council in 2004. In particular, the author argues that expansion from 15 member states to 25 has fundamentally changed the nature of the Union's politics and the skills required to influence it. This new EU requires more of practitioners than experience and amateur instinct: to achieve results and avoid restrictive regulation, the public affairs community must adopt effective training strategies, challenging competence targets and regular self‐assessment of its performance and ethics. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications     

冷战后欧美关系演变中的文化因素

美欧之间共同的价值观和共同的利益是大西洋两岸在冷战期间紧紧捆绑在一起的动力,但是冷战结束后,美欧矛盾逐步酝酿演变。其深藏着的文化因素方面的差异,将不断地在其对外战略和外交政策上体现出来,欧美关系的重建将会经历一个痛苦的过程。     

The Koguryo controversy, national identity, and Sino-Korean relations today

In July 2004, a Chinese claim that the ancient Kingdom of Koguryo (37 BC-AD 668) was China's vassal state ignited a firestorm of protest in South Korea. The decade-long South Korean love affair with China appears to have ended, as increasing numbers of South Koreans have begun to view their colossal neighbor with new suspicion. What were the causes and consequences of this controversy? Rather than forwarding the usual political, economic and security explanations, this paper interrogates the deeper identity politics at stake, arguing that the Koguryo controversy implicates the very meaning of being Korean or Chinese in the 21st century.     

美国霸权与中国崛起

在分析美国霸权与中国崛起的关系时,可以得出3点结论。首先,在相当长的时间内,中国崛起对美国的机制霸权、经济霸权、政治和意识形态霸权、军事霸权都不构成严重挑战;在美国构筑的全球霸权体系下,中国也还有相当大的崛起空间。其次,中国崛起对美国在亚太地区的霸权地位形成结构性的挑战。最后,从思维框架上说,我们既不能丢弃对国际权力格局的传统分析方法,以为信息和思想的沟通以及经济等领域的国际合作能够自然生成国家间的友好关系,消解国际冲突,也不能忽略国家及其以下的行为体的主观能动作用,以为权力格局的变化必然造成国际秩序的混乱。现在,中美领导人都认识到两国相互对抗的危害性,因此中美关系有望继续维持稳定,并逐渐建立起更为稳定的战略框架。     

经济全球化与"体面劳动"

在经济全球化的背景下,世界各国劳资关系力量对比处于一种极端不平衡的状态之中.国际上关于"社会条款"和"体面劳动"的提议,或者是出于贸易保护的目的,或者是出于保障现实中被忽视和侵害的劳动者权益的目的,或者两者兼而有之.为适应加入WTO后的新形势,为尽早在中国实现"体面劳动",中国应该以国际劳工标准和"体面劳动"的内容要求为参照,完善劳动法律体系,建立起一套保障劳动者权益的法律机制.     

阿拉伯国际商贸中的代理制度

现代贸易合作必须在规则中展开,要发展和拓展阿拉伯国家各种现实与潜在市场,必须了解、研究、熟悉阿拉伯"商规",其中货物贸易既是阿拉伯商贸传统强项又是当代贸易流通的现实领域,一些阿拉伯国家制定商贸代理法,是一种市场准入与合作共赢的制度安排,构成阿拉伯"商规"的组成部分之一。     

比较法视野下的劳动者集体争议行动之法律规制

利益调整所引发的集体争议行动是市场经济背景下劳资争议的重要型态。基于劳资自治的保障需求,大多市场经济国家(地区)对劳动者集体争议行动这种侵权行为予以有限制的法律保护。我国因加薪所引发的集体停工频发,凸显了法律对集体争议行动失范及其法律秩序重构的必要。借鉴国外立法例,结合国情,我国宜采取消极立法模式,通过特殊的法律责任豁免制度和特殊的劳资利益争议处理程序,以规范劳动者集体争议行动。     

先秦至唐宋时期武陵地区民族关系简论

早在先秦时期,巴人和三苗的一支即已在武陵地区生存繁衍,发展成为现今武陵地区的两大主体民族:土家族和苗族。自汉代起,汉人就以相当的规模进入本地区。持续的人口流动奠定了现今武陵地区以土家族、苗族、汉族为主体,各民族大杂居、小聚居的分布格局。在长期的历史进程中,各民族间形成了共生共存、博弈互惠的密切关系。     

ACTA对我国国际贸易的影响及其应对策略

发达国家认为现有的TRIPS协议,虽一定程度上提高了国际知识产权的保护水平,但其在知识产权执法实践方面仍然不完善。所以,欧、美、日等主要发达国家又发起并制定了反假冒贸易协定(ACTA)。协议要求成员国强化打击假冒和盗版行为的力度,建立更高标准、更具体、更强硬的知识产权全球执法框架,并建立一个类似于世界贸易组织和世界知识产权组织国际机构以外的理事机构。ACTA的签订必将对国际贸易产生重要影响,尤其会给发展中国家的国际贸易造成巨大冲击。因此,应认真分析协议可能给我国带来的负面影响,并采取相应对策。     

Managing Power Transitions: Towards a 21st Century Concert of Powers

Power shifts and especially power transitions in the international system are often associated with (military) confl ict. Power Transition Theory (PTT) does offer an analysis of this phenomenon but no remedy. We suggest easing the tensions related to ongoing worldwide power shifts by introducing a new informal multilateral security governance institution, based on the idea of a concert of powers. The historical European Concert of the 19th century prevented the outbreak of great power wars for more than a generation by providing a cooperation framework, based on shared norms and common procedures. In this article we explore the possibility of utilizing a modernized concert of powers as a framework for managing the coming power shifts. In order to do so, we introduce two new elements in Power Transition Theory: (1) the importance of the (dis) satisfaction of the declining hegemon with the anticipated future order, and (2) a broader multilateral framework of major powers that overcomes the Power Transition Theory’s traditional bilateral “duel” situation. On this basis, institutionalized power transition management becomes possible. We then work out the norms, strengths and weaknesses of the historical concert and update it with a few new features that would be necessary for it to be successful in the 21st century.