Online Opposition in Singapore: Communications Outreach Without Electoral Gain

While “new media” have substantially altered the landscape for information dissemination and social mobilisation, these media are neither all alike in their ideological leanings or intentions, nor independently capable of identity transformation and mobilisation. The paper explores these new media in the context of Malaysia since the late 1990s. It differentiates among news sites and organisational websites, which transmit (often previously proscribed) information to domestic and foreign audiences, with potentially significant effects on “civicness” and mobilisation; blogs, which tend to be primarily personalised, monological and often unfiltered; and social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter, which have eroded the anonymity of online interaction but represent the apex of self-selected communities. “Old media” still populate this landscape as well, from newspapers and other media sources, to public lectures, to leaflets and other ad hoc publications. Even apart from common caveats as to who has access, criteria for evaluation of these new and old media as tools for political change must vary, including differing degrees of information-provision and edification, interest articulation and aggregation, and transformation of collective identities so as to enable new patterns of mobilisation for collective action.     

A Review of: “The U.S. Catholic Press on Central America: From Cold War Anticommunism to Social Justice,by Edward T. Brett”

In a few short years, the World Wide Web has become a standard part of candidates' campaign tool kits. Virtually all candidates have their own sites, and voters, journalists, and activists visit the sites with increasing frequency. In this article, we study what candidates do on these sites—in terms of the information they present—by exploring one of the most enduring and widely debated campaign strategies: “going negative.” Comparing data from over 700 congressional candidate Web sites, over three election cycles (2002, 2004, and 2006), with television advertising data, we show that candidates go negative with similar likelihoods across these media. We also find that while similar dynamics drive negativity on the Web and in television advertising, there are some notable differences. These differences likely stem, in part, from the truncated sample available with television data (i.e., many candidates do not produce ads). Our results have implications for understanding negative campaigning and for the ways in which scholars can study campaign dynamics.     

Italian commentators on foreign affairs

The enduring economic crisis, austerity measures and corruption scandals have created a favourable environment for the advent of new political actors all over Europe. During the last general elections (February 2013), Italy was shocked by the inexorable rise of the Five Star Movement. Beppe Grillo’s creature upset the political system, occupying portions of the public sphere that had been ignored (the web) or gradually abandoned by traditional political parties (the squares). Its unusual campaigning style, its internet-based organisational structure, its atypical political positioning (beyond left and right), and its oversimplification of complex problems all help to explain its electoral performance, and distinguish it from similar anti-establishment parties that have emerged in Europe over the past decade.     

网络有偿删帖发帖的入罪反思——以“立二拆四”非法经营案为切入点

非法经营罪自设立以来,司法解释对其进行过数次扩张,实践中绕过该罪条文及相关司法解释而直接以非法经营罪定罪的案例层出不穷,非法经营罪堵截条款的防线有被突破的嫌疑。近期,司法解释将有偿删帖发帖行为规定为非法经营罪,这一方面不符合非法经营罪的罪质特征,另一方面也违背了刑法体系解释的解释原理。通过不断扩充非法经营罪的司法解释来规制实践中花样翻新的违法经营行为,这使得非法经营罪的口袋化基因愈发明显,非法经营罪的口袋化趋势急需遏制。     

网络诽谤罪的客观要件分析

网络诽谤行为一直以来备受关注,其不仅涉及到宪法权利的保护,还涉及到刑法法益的保护。为了准确的打击犯罪,平衡刑法的法益保护机能与自由保障机能,我们首先应当对诽谤、网络诽谤的概念及其外延进行深入研究阐述,其次应对网络诽谤的罪量标准进行定位和具体认定,从而在司法实践中正确地认识和对待网络诽谤罪。     

传统国际私法连接点在互联网环境中所面临的挑战及其应对方略

互联网的全球性、跨国性和虚拟性的特性给传统国际私法连接点造成了冲击与影响,使传统的属地性连接点和属人性连接点在解决涉网民商事案件时陷入了困境.尽管如此,这并不意味着传统的连接点在网络空间不再予以适用:主观性连接点在互联网环境下一定程度上仍可以适用;属人性连接点在互联网环境下则意义不大;属地性连接点则应顺应互联网发展的特性加以"改良",对其进行重新界定并赋予它们在网络空间中新的生命力,增加网址作为网络环境下新的属地性连接点具有重要的现实意义.     

论网络赌博犯罪案件的侦查模式

由于网络赌博具有组织体系严密、技术含量高、涉赌行为手法隐蔽、调查取证难等诸多特征,所以公安机关应针对网络赌博活动的一般特征及不同类型的网络赌博活动,采取切实可行的网络赌博犯罪案件侦查模式,包括：树立侦查办案中的战略意识,实现公安机关内部警力资源的综合运用,科学把握抓捕时机,确保一网打尽,依法勘查网络赌博活动案件现场,及时固定电子证据,启用分组取证模式,及时与检察院、法院沟通,形成打击网络赌博的合力等。     

论“网络”信息时代的公安舆论引导

由于公安工作的特殊性,广大群众对涉及公安题材的报道尤为关注,由此产生的网络舆论,其作用也日益突出。公安部门无论是在思想观念上,还是在工作措施、工作机制上,都存在诸多不相适应的问题。为给公安工作创造一个良好的舆论环境,公安部门必须解放思想,转变观念．加强网络舆情控制,建立公安舆论的引导机制,同时还要加强与国内主流媒体和各大网站的联系沟通,强化公安宣传队伍建设．加大执法力度,才能真正保障网络舆论宣传的健康、安全。     

计算机网络犯罪及其防范

随着计算机与网络技术的发展,计算机网络犯罪愈来愈猖獗,目前全球平均每20秒就发生一次Intenlet计算机入侵事件。在Intermet上的网络防火墙,超过1／3被突破,一些银行、企业、机构都未能幸免。作为一种新型的犯罪,其社会危害性极大,并有愈演愈烈之势。我们必须了解计算机网络犯罪的特点、原因及采取相应的对策。     

网络银行业务对传统法律的挑战与回应

网络银行业务在突破传统银行业务理念的同时 ,也对既存的法律制度产生了巨大的冲击与挑战。这主要表现在法律管辖权的确定、电子资金划拨、网络银行的监管及对利用网络银行犯罪等方面。因此 ,既存法律制度的革新是新金融情势下的必然要求。鉴于网络银行的无时空性、虚拟性与跨国界性 ,所以传统法律的变革及全新的立法必须基于网络银行的本质属性 ,同时 ,从国内法与国际法两个层面双管齐下 ,才能使应然的法律适应网络银行业务的内在要求。