欧洲女翻译家宣言——玛格丽特·泰勒对赞助修辞的颠覆性解构

在《〈骑士伟迹之镜〉译者序》中,玛格丽特·泰勒对权力阶层强加于作为他者存在的非权力阶层的赞助修辞、尤其是对该修辞所遵循的自贬—请求—报效的逻辑,进行了颠覆性的解构。研究其颠覆性本质、特征和意义,将为我国翻译界研究文艺复兴之初的欧洲女性翻译家的创作状况,以及欧洲女性翻译写作话语权的形成,提供重要的参考。     

语篇分析在司法语境中的应用

法律语篇分析是从法学语言的视角研究与法学有关的种种语言现象,并运用语篇学的研究方法分析法学语言,包括立法语言、司法语言、法律科学语言、法学翻译以及法学古文等一切有关法律规则和法学研究的口语和书面语。司法语境中的语篇分析,是从微观的角度分析司法人员、律师和涉案当事人的各种语言现象,旨在解决司法过程中的语言证据收集、话语标记识别、语言环境分析、控辩双方对同一语言证据材料的不同理解可能导致不同审判结果等可能存在的一系列问题,促使我国司法实践部门对法律语言的更多关注,以拓宽我国法学语言界的研究视野,进一步提高工作效率。     

论"话语的秩序"--福柯话语理论的一次重要转折

《话语的秩序》是福柯话语理论中具有重要过渡意义的一个文本。其中,福柯不仅深入分析了话语的内部结构及其特征,而且分析了话语外部的控制因素,将话语与权力、社会机制联系在一起,从而开拓了话语的外部空间。这既是福柯对自己研究的一次总结,也昭示了福柯话语研究中新方法论的出现。     

Don’t let them kill you on some dirty roadway: survival,entitled violence,and the culture of modern American policing

The police subculture serves as a means for police officers to cope with the perceived stresses associated with police work, including the belief that their lives are constantly threatened by dangerous ‘others’. As a result, the police subculture is peppered with racialized survivability discourse that reminds police of the possibility of their own mortality, mobilizes them through fear, and facilitates an entitlement to violence in the name of guardianship. Drawing from the author’s past experiences as a police officer, this paper offers insight into how, through this racialized police survivability discourse, police officers come to believe that their lives are more valuable than others, particularly when compared to Black lives. This has not only been demonstrated by the disproportionate killing of unarmed Black men but also by the emergence of the Blue Lives Matter ‘movement’ that arose in direct oppositional response to the subculture’s perceived threat of the Black Lives Matter movement.     

The Future of British Political History: Concluding Remarks

These concluding remarks reflect, in the light of the preceding articles, on two themes that recur throughout the collection. First, how can historians maintain an effective presence in public debate about politics in Britain? Second, how should political historians position themselves within the discipline, at a time when—it is suggested—political history is losing ground among British academic historians? It is argued here that, in each case, they should reflect on what they can most distinctively contribute, either as historians or as political historians; and that they should frame their interventions accordingly.     

新时代建构党的政治建设话语的意义、原则与思路

建构党的政治建设话语是现实的且必要的。新时代建构党的政治建设话语的重大意义在于:是加强和推进党的政治建设的现实之需,是加快构建党的建设话语体系的应有之义,是开拓马克思主义党建理论新境界的当然之要,是彰显中国特色社会主义政治优势的有效之音。新时代建构党的政治建设话语需要切实遵循主体性与在场性相统一的身份原则、现实性与理论性相统一的生成原则、导向性与价值性相统一的功能原则、对话性与批判性相统一的开放原则。新时代建构党的政治建设话语需要明确把握是“我”在说话、用“事实”说话、为“人民”说话、与“外界”对话的总体思路。     

学生口头学术报告语篇的语类分析

学生口头学术报告是学生在课堂上经常需要运用的一种陈述方式.因而,帮助学生掌握这一特定语类的基本特点,就能帮助他们作出更符合这一语类要求的报告.对此,本文试图运用功能语言学的语类理论,探讨学生口头学术报告的语篇模式与语言特点.     

The age factor in language practices and attitudes: continuity and change in Ukraine's bilingualism

This article analyzes inter-cohort differences and intra-cohort changes in language proficiencies, use patterns and attitudes in a society undergoing a radical political and cultural transformation. My analysis focuses on Ukraine, a country with an asymmetrical bilingualism where the new independent state mildly promotes the titular language but the formerly dominant Russian maintains an active presence in most social domains and individual repertoires. While confirming earlier findings on the small scale of age differences, this study detects the end of the inter-cohort shift toward Russian. Another important finding is that the apparent continuity with a slow drift toward the titular language in Ukraine as a whole conceals two radically different developments in the two geographical “halves” of the country. The study demonstrates an advantage of combining a synchronic analysis of inter-cohort differences with a diachronic analysis of intra-cohort changes.     

Remembering and forgetting: the state policy of memorializing Stalin's repression in post-Soviet Kazakhstan

The general perception of Western analysts and observers is that the nation-states created as a result of the breakup of the Soviet Union all treat the memory of the dark, repressive aspects of the Stalinist regime in public spaces as a symbolic element in the creation of a new post-Soviet identity [Denison, Michael. 2009. “The Art of the Impossible: Political Symbolism, and the Creation of National Identity and Collective Memory in Post-Soviet Turkmenistan.” Europe-Asia Studies 61 (7): 1167–1187]. We argue that the government of Kazakhstan employs non-nationalistic discourse in its treatment of Stalinist victims’ commemoration in a variety of forms, through the creation of modern memorial complexes at the sites of horrific Soviet activity (mass burial places, labor camps, and detention centers), purpose-built museum exhibitions, and the commemorative speeches of its president and other officials. Kazakhstan's strategy in commemorating its Soviet past is designed to highlight the inclusiveness of repression on all peoples living in its territory at that time, not just Kazakhs, thereby assisting in bringing together its multinational and multiethnic society. Thus, the official stance treats this discourse as an important symbolic source of shaping the collective memory of the nation, based on “a general civil identity without prioritizing one ethnic group over another – a national unity, founded on the recognition of a common system of values and principles for all citizens” [Shakirova, Svetlana. 2012. “Letters to Nazarbaev: Kazakhstan's Intellectuals Debate National Identity.” February 7. Accessed July 28, 2015. http://postsovietpost.stanford.edu/discussion/letters-nazarbaev-kazakhstans-intellectuals-debate-national-identity].     

Limits to a cyber-threat

This paper reveals the limits to representing cyberspace as a threat. In contrast to more conventional threats, the suggestion is that the not-immediately-apparent consequences of a cyber-attack make it largely reliant on official practices of representation. Exploring the implications of this reliance, the paper outlines how attributing meaning and culpability – always contested practices – are amplified in the potential absence of a readily apparent attack. Given these limits, does the cyber-threat then require a different lexicon of danger to both educate and engender a sense of caution? Examining the discursive construction of the cyber-threat, the paper demonstrates how this threat draws upon an established economy of danger – likening it to warfare and terrorism – but also suggests a limit to these representations. Specifically, by engaging post-structuralist literature the paper illustrates that these limits are best understood through an appreciation of the performative and the constitutive ‘lack’ in signification. It thus concludes that the value of the cyber-threat is not determined by transparently representing a cyber-attack. Rather, it is drawn from processes of hyper-securitization and through the establishment of institutions like the NATO Center of Excellence in Cooperative Cyber Defense that retroactively bring into existence the very object it purports to defend against.