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261.
262.
Shoko Yamada 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2011,29(3):315-330
TICAD was held for the fourth time in 2008, raising unprecedented public interest about Africa in Japan attracting attention not only from aid, diplomatic, trade and research communities but also among the general public. Due to geographic distance and limited historical connection, it has always been a matter of debate as to why Japan should increase its commitment to Africa. The different interest groups that have participated throughout the TICAD process have always had varying answers to this question. Through analysis of newspapers, journal articles and various documents this article seeks to untangle the process of TICAD's policy making and its outcomes. 相似文献
263.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1):65-81
After the democratic transition to post-Communist Poland, ultraconservative groups found themselves legitimately able to propagate a nationalist ideology. They focused on an idea of ‘national identity’ that clearly and restrictively defined the boundaries of the national community. In the late 1990s a far-right movement supported by a radical faction of the Roman Catholic Church gained wide public support and, eventually, political legitimization. The fears of those for whom the transition of the socio-economic system did not bring a change for the better have been exploited by activists and institutions that consistently point to various foreign ‘threats’ (external and internal) against Poland’s political and economic independence and against national integrity. Starnawski analyses forms of anti-pluralist backlash as strategies undertaken by the ultra-conservative media. Provided is a case study of Nasz Dziennik, one of the major Polish newspapers to disseminate a far-right discourse that combines a concept of ‘national identity’ with radical Catholicism. Such nationalistoriented media use rhetoric that claims to be representative of the dominant group, and attempt to provide the audience with a restrictive sense of identity that is based on the construction of elements that are considered foreign and threatening to a sense of nationhood, a mobilization of the audience against foreign ‘threats’, and the exclusion or marginalization of elements depicted as incongruous with collective identity, especially the cultures of national and ethnic minorities (both ‘native’ minorities and recent immigrants), minority religions and alternative cultures, as well as liberal advocates of diversity. Since Polish society is in large part culturally homogeneous, its members are more often exposed to stereotyped images of minority groups than they are to face-to-face contact with members of minorities. Therefore, Starnawski argues, exploring the contemporary nationalist discourse in ‘pluralizing’ societies such as Poland is no less essential for the diagnosis of anti-democratic obstacles than studying the actual conditions of minority groups themselves. The future of social and cultural pluralism in Poland heavily depends on the majority’s awareness of diversity and its ability to promote attitudes of openness to and understanding of cultural differences on the one hand, and a readiness to extend the notion of ‘Polishness’ to a wide range of cultural and social categories on the other. 相似文献
264.
组织话语研究将组织要素、现象以及组织本身看作是话语性社会构建,基于此,文章将创业视为新企业的话语性构建过程。在该过程中,创业者基于话语的协调、沟通、认知等基本功能,在特定的创业情境中积极地运用口语、书面语以及相关的非语言资源与不同的利益相关群体进行话语互动,通过创业身份认同、创业机会识别、创业资源整合等关键活动推动新企业的话语性构建。文章将詹姆斯?保罗?吉的话语“七项构建任务”分析框架与Timmons的创业管理模型相结合,剖析创业者如何通过话语构建创业机会的意义、塑造创业者身份、整合创业资源等,并援引创业语料及实例佐证理论性与概念性探讨。以此为基础,文章提出“新企业话语性构建过程模型”,以启发后续创业话语研究。 相似文献
265.
解构美国话语霸权--对"中国威胁论"的话语分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
话语分析为解构美国话语霸权、分析美国的"中国威胁论"提供了一种很好的理论工具.话语就是指谈论和理解世界的方式,话语分析是以社会建构主义为理论基础的一种批判性分析方法,它以我们习以为常的话语为分析对象,以解构隐藏在话语背后的逻辑结构为主要方法.对美国"中国威胁论"的分析表明,"中国威胁论"是以现实主义理论为依据的,而现实主义在逻辑推理上是存在严重错误的. 相似文献
266.
卢穗平 《中国青年政治学院学报》2003,22(3):32-36
主流意识形态对于迪斯科文化施加的影响,有一些是属于观念性的,有一些则是属于实践性的。华夏版的意识形态影响也没有例外。一方面,立足于日常规则世界对迪斯科所做出的种种定义和判断,无疑是对迪斯科的一种曲解,是一种来自中国主流社会的观念性影响。另一方面,按照规则社会的秩序和法则,对迪斯科所施加的各种处置手段,则无疑是一种实践性的影响。 相似文献
267.
女性主义视角下的广告女性形象探析 总被引:13,自引:0,他引:13
广告构图中的女性形象,无论是作为性客体的美女,还是极具"女性气质"的家庭主妇、职业女性,都是自然化性别差异观点的直接产物。生物学结构的等级观念支配着包括广告在内的媒介和大众关于性别的话语,看似远离意识形态的商业广告,实际上却代表了包含政治意义的男性霸权文化,广告在性政治层面的暴力倾向应当引起高度重视,广告的女性形象在隐性强化着两性不平等。 相似文献
268.
王传满 《中华女子学院山东分院学报》2003,(1):14-18
在中国现代三代女作家中,庐隐、冯沅君、冰心谋求从不同侧面建构女性新的历史,却未能对传统彻底解构;张爱玲彻底解构了女性历史,却未能在新的起点上有所建构;而丁玲在这两方面均做出了可贵的努力。她既猛烈地扫除堆置在女权道路上的一切垃圾,又以拓荒者的姿态,谋求在这片荒芜的土地上建构起女权大厦,如何使女性作家既坚持女性写作,服务于女权的自我探索,又谨防西化;如何使女性写作既与社会的发展同步,又不至于淹没于宏大的叙事之中,丁玲为我们提供了多方面的有益启示。 相似文献
269.
Christos Rantavellas 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2003,3(2):116-123
The paper treats politics as a complex process that embraces actual or potential interactions among constructed meanings of different social actors through various symbolic forms drawing on the specific socio‐historical, political context. These symbolic forms can take the form of various kinds from everyday linguistic utterances to complex images and texts. It is suggested that there is a strong interrelationship between ‘image’ and political discourse and their symbolic value grows as long as they come from consistent communication among all the social actors participating in the political process inside and outside of the political organisation. Two historical examples from the British political landscape—the Labour election defeat in 1987 and the Labour leadership election in 1994—are examined so as to draw some useful remarks concerning the limitations in drawing the line between ‘image’ and political discourse and among processes considered either internal or external of the party. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献
270.
WANG En-ming 《妇女研究论丛》2008,(6)
社会中的任何人都离不开言语交际,并通过言语交际来传输信息、传播价值观。鉴于主流社会是语言的主导力量的,社会中使用的语言大多是主流社会认可、认同的语言,社会中盛行的价值观往往是主流社会主张、确认的价值观。本文通过对男性话语权利在言语交际中三方面的分析来揭示言语交际背后所隐藏的文化价值观,以凸现语言是如何影响人们的性别观念及如何制约人们在性别问题上的思考方式。 相似文献