党的意识形态话语权建构的发展脉络与经验启示——基于建党100周年的审视

中国共产党历经百年奋斗实践,意识形态话语权建构已成为一项系统工程伴随其发展的全过程。意识形态话语权作为意识形态建设中的一个子系统,对维护国家政权稳定、有效引导社会发展、正确规范个体行为具有重要的意义。值此建党百年之际,回顾总结中国共产党在成立、发展和建设过程中争夺、探索、提升、升华意识形态话语权的百年历史进程,能够获得宝贵的经验和深刻的启示。新时代,党的意识形态话语权建构要加强和完善党的意识形态话语主体的建设,拓展和丰富党的意识形态话语内容的广度,探索和创新党的意识形态话语载体的运用,以及实现对党的意识形态话语场域的净化。     

纯粹中国美学话语:何以可能

在比较语境下研究中国美学话语,由于存在着中西两种话语本质的相异,西方话语只能转换为其所蕴涵的方法,以便于发明中国问题。其学术理念可以表述为:借助于西方方法之发明,以中国话语来表述中国问题,并最终形成中国方法,而不脱比较语境。据此可以对中国美学话语重建中存在的如何处置西方方法和话语的问题做出回应。     

Writing Workshops for First Year Law: my contribution as an applied linguist

“Law schools should focus more on teaching writing – not some Procrustean monstrosity called ‘legal writing,’ but the ordinary techniques of constructing a sentence and telling a story” writes Roosevelt in his review of Divergent Paths: The Academy and the Judiciary by Posner. The Australian Threshold Learning Outcome expects law graduates to be effective, appropriate and persuasive as communicators when interacting with both legal and non-legal persons. We also know that embedding learning outcomes or graduate attributes throughout a programme encourages progressive learning. Furthermore, the whole of degree curriculum design undertaken from a shared perspective reflects industry and student requirements better than individual subjects can. In the absence of any whole of degree curriculum, the semester-long series of Writing Workshops for First Year Law (WWFYL) was created. Building on the success of past collaboration (Curró and Longo), WWFYL reflect a move away from a solitary, silent teaching culture to open sharing of practice. The widening participation and skills agendas remind us of the need to focus on the integration of academic literacies into law. If law is language, can applied linguistics make a contribution to the literacy needs of students from diverse linguistic backgrounds? As an applied linguist, my objective is to raise awareness of the elements and features of legal writing and demystify the specialised discourse and textual features. In this paper I present my theoretical framework borrowed from socio-constructivist theories, focusing on how students learn specific subject matter in particular contexts: “a teaching and learning process that makes transparent the practices and discourses of the subject area” (D. Warren, “Curriculum Design in a Context of Widening Participation in Higher Education” (2002) 1 Arts and Humanities in Higher Education 85, p. 88). Two snapshots of my classroom discourse demonstrating the practical application of my teaching are presented, as well as evaluation data supporting my approach.     

From Kosovo to Syria: the transformation of NATO Secretaries General's discourse on military humanitarian intervention

The civil war in Syria began approximately four years ago and has resulted in the murder of thousands by the Assad regime and the flight of millions to neighbouring countries. The international community's reluctance to intervene to halt the ongoing massive human rights violations has been explained in geopolitical, military-strategic, diplomatic, and legal terms. Yet, what does this imply normatively? And does the weakening of the military humanitarian intervention (MHI) norm support arguments regarding the poverty of constructivist security studies? This article examines these two questions and demonstrates the weakness of the MHI norm, especially in light of the new interpretations and meanings which authoritative agents ascribe to its key conceptual components in changing strategic, social and political contexts. Yet, the article employs constructivist tools to explore the endogenous challenges to the MHI norm while proving the added value of constructivist security research, not only for explaining “norm evolution” but also “norm decline”. Taking discourse as a reflection of social norms and an arena for encouraging new intersubjective interpretations of concepts, it examines the above assertions by analysing the discourse of NATO Secretaries General from 1999 (Kosovo crisis) to today.     

国际关系研究的话语权之争 ——兼论中国国际关系研究的学术自觉

二战以后,美国一直掌握着国际关系研究的话语霸权,塑造了国际关系研究的基本范式并从学理层面论证其霸权合法性。冷战结束以后,出于理论发展的需要与国际政治现实的挑战,国际关系研究逐渐呈现出多元化态势,欧洲国际关系研究在研究取向、研究方法、研究议题、理论流派等方面与美国展开了积极的话语权竞争,成就了“欧洲视角”,在一定程度上消解了美国的话语霸权。近年来,随着国际政治格局的调整与地缘政治重心的东移,国际关系研究的亚洲意识也逐渐觉醒,中国国际关系研究的自主性建设已初见成效,学术自觉与学术自信有所提升。但中国国际关系研究在话语权建设上存在诸多不足,应进一步强化学科内涵建设,推动理论创新;寻找西方学术话语体系的突破口,挖掘新的研究支点;拓展话语平台,为外交话语体系提供学术支撑。只有制定正确的话语权战略并付诸实施,才能从根本上提升中国国际关系研究的竞争力。     

辞典与话语权：19世纪马来文化的现代化转型

马来文化在19世纪实现了从古典到现代的转型,这种转型的主要表现方式是来自不同文化背景的学者通过编纂辞典来实现对马来文化话语权的争夺。马来布吉斯贵族学者阿里·哈吉、英国东印度公司学者威廉·马斯登和华人移民学者冯穗滋便是伊斯兰教、基督教和儒家思想三大文化阵营的代表人物。这场话语权争夺战的结果塑造了现代马来文化的雏形,因而对我们理解现代东南亚文化的历史源流有重要意义。     

NGO partnerships in Haiti: clashes of discourse and reality

This paper analyses the existing and perceived rules and restrictions of the global development dispositif working to maintain inequalities in the interactions of international NGOs (INGOs) and Haitian organisations. It does so by exploring constructions of partnership and their clashing realities. Development organisations and agencies have influenced the fabric of Haitian society and politics not only by their mere presence but also by the rules they impose. The paper identifies positions of power and decision making by drawing on Foucauldian tools of discourse analysis. The analysis is based on empirical fieldwork carried out in Haiti between 2012 and 2014. It identifies a narrative of trickle-down pressures that INGOs draw upon to position themselves as intermediaries in the larger development system. By questioning these narratives, the paper provides the starting point for the development of alternatives that would enable international NGOs to assume a role that supports rather than weakens.     

出走与归来——从易卜生与王尔德戏剧中出走女性的译介看"五四"女权话语的多样性

"五四"时期对易卜生与王尔德戏剧的译介进入了高潮,针对其中离家出走和试图出走的女性的探讨,成为"五四"女权话语的重要内涵。出走的娜拉被奉为女性解放的最高象征,但并不能解决女性出走后所面临的重重困难,作品中那些"归来"并实现觉醒的女性亦得到读者相当的认可,并被作为解决女性盲目出走、身陷困境的一种选择,显示出"五四"语境在出走风潮之下,对女性解放的多元思考和接受。翻译作为一种文化建构力量,推动了中国女权话语的发展。     

How to not speak the ‘F‐word’: Federalism between mirage and imperative in the euro crisis

The recent financial and debt crisis has resuscitated the debate about European federalism – a theme that seemed not to have survived the painful constitutional adventure that ended with the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009. With the adoption of significant policy and institutional measures for tightening macroeconomic and budgetary coordination (including a constitutionally enshrined debt brake), the reforms of the monetary union have undisputedly brought the European Union further on the path towards an ever closer union. In an era where EU integration has been increasingly politicised, and Euroscepticism has been on the rise and exploited by anti‐system parties, national leaders have to face a political hiatus and respond to increased needs for symbolic and discursive legitimation of further federalisation. This is all the more crucial for French and German leaders who have brokered the main decisions during the crisis of the eurozone. Against this background, the purpose of this article is not to assess whether, or to what extent, the recent reforms of economic and monetary union have made the EU more federal. Rather, the purpose is to tackle the following puzzle: How have EU leaders legitimised the deepening of federal integration in a context where support for more European federalism is at its lowest? To elucidate this, a lexicographic discourse analysis is conducted based on all speeches held by the German Chancellor Merkel and the two French Presidents Sarkozy and Hollande, previous to, or after European summits from early 2010 until the spring of 2013. The findings indicate that federalism is both taboo and pervasive in French and German leaders' discourse. The paradox is barely apparent, though. While the ‘F‐word’ is rarely spoken aloud, two distinctive visions co‐exist in the French and German discourse. The coming of age of a political union through constitutional federalism is pictured as ineluctable, yet as a distant mirage out of reach of today's decision makers. At the same time, the deepening of functional federalism in order to cope with economic interdependence is a ubiquitous imperative that justifies further integration. The persisting gap between the constitutional and the functional vision of European federalism has crucial implications. Insofar as the Union is held responsible for not delivering successful economic policy, political leaders will fail to legitimise both functional and constitutional federalism.     

A comparative study of representations about disability in primary school children's drawings: a sociosemiotic approach

Over the past few years, perceptions about disability – at least at the theoretical level – have been shifted toward a more progressive approach, which stresses the social aspects of the construction of disability (social model) rather than personal limitations, as supported by the traditional disability approach (medical–individual model). Drawing upon the sociosemiotic approach as developed by Kress and van Leeuwen, the present study examines from a comparative perspective the representations about disability and people with disabilities, as emerging from the drawings produced by 4th grade Greek primary school children. The sample consists of two groups of children. Group A does not share the same school environment with schoolchildren with special education needs, while group B shares the same school surroundings with students attending a special education needs School. The comparative analysis of their drawings indicates that children of both groups reproduce the dominant meanings they receive from their direct social environment.