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121.
中国学生和英语母语作者在英语写作中对叙事性话语的使用表明,中国学生比母语作者更倾向于使用叙事性话语来说明事物。这种差异来自于母语迁移的作用,导致迁移的原因在于中国人习惯于领域依托式的思维方式,而英美人却习惯于领域无依托式的思维方式。  相似文献   
122.
经过20多年的发展,作为边缘法学的法律语言学的学科地位在事实上得以确立,法言法语渐被纳入学科研究对象。此外,作为现代语言学的分支,语体学已相对成熟,但法学语体问题却少有人问津。这也许与修辞学泰斗王德春教授主张语体种类之一的科学语体"不再细分"有关,也与自古以来"文术多门,各适所好"、"明者弗授,学者弗师"有关。然而,法学语体具有科学语体与政论语体甚至公文语体交叉的特点,可以视为语言分化的结果。法学语体研究滞后对我国法学研究与报刊编辑出版中的语言质量已造成消极影响。法学语体逐渐形成一些典型的语言手段及表达方式,如:词汇上庄重、严谨、文雅;句式完整,但具扩展性;语篇上具连贯性、充分性。我们应当恰当使用带语体色彩的词汇体现法学气派,并且合理使用长句、复合句反映法学风格。灵活运用的多种修辞表达方式充分体现了学术语境的科学理性与思维美感。法学语篇不妨在行文上流光溢彩,活泼多姿。与此同时,要防止不当话语修辞对交际和传播带来的负面影响。  相似文献   
123.
近代以来,“儒、佛、道”三位一体的中国传统哲学、西方现代性哲学乃至教科书的辩证唯物哲学,相继都陷入信任危机,中国的现代化实践频现哲学话语危机。所幸在改革开放实践中激发起来的马克思主义实践哲学,在哲学观念和理论形态上都具备论说当代中国现代化实践的话语潜质。所谓实践地论说发展,意在回归实践立场,充分汲取“中、西”诸家哲学话语的合理因素,深入阐释扬弃“人的依赖关系”和“物的依赖性社会”的实践机理,从构建优良社会生态人手,为中国社会现代化转型发展实践提供话语支持。  相似文献   
124.
语言与社会结构是共变的.人民公社时代村庄的话语特征是政治话语,它反映了政治身份在社会结构中的重要地位.实行联产承包责任制后,村庄在"奔小康"的生活过程中,政治话语逐渐为生活话语所取代.生活话语主要体现在村庄的喜庆活动之中.从政治话语向生活话语的转变,体现了村庄社会结构的变迁.  相似文献   
125.
This paper explores contact disputes in England and Wales. We discuss the legal background as well as separating parents' experiences of contact disputes. Contact has been high on the agenda since the U.K. Government report, Making Contact Work, (2002) examined various means for facilitating contact between non-resident parents and their children. More recently, the issue has featured prominently in the headlines, largely as a result of the campaigning efforts of fathers' rights groups who complain of injustice and demand changes in the law. The idea that contact is necessary for children's well-being seems to have acquired the status of uncontestable truth. This paper examines the ways in which these ideas about children's interests have become embodied in adominant welfare discourse that is embedded in law and informs policy thinking. Family law has long abhorred parental conflict, particularly that which involves the children. It is frequently assumed that conflict can be reduced if parents could be persuaded to accept the premises of the welfare discourse. In this paper, we consider how parents themselves, in talking about their experiences of contact disputes, makes sense of family law. We found that parents regularly invoke the welfare discourse in their talk, but they interpret it in unexpected ways. Often these interpretations fuel conflict rather than reducing it.  相似文献   
126.
语境在话语分析中的作用   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
语境是一个极为综合复杂而重要的语言学概念.本文在进一步理解语境和话语分析等语言学概念的基础上,把语境分为上下文语境、情景语境和文化语境,并探讨这三种语境在话语分析中的作用.由此可见:话语分析是一定语境下的话语分析,语境的理解和把握有助于话语分析.  相似文献   
127.
Although scholarship on at-home fathers explores how men negotiate their masculinity and wrestle with social stigma, research has yet to address how language and micro-level interactions are used to undermine, or contest, men’s abilities to parent as well as to reconstruct dominant forms of masculinity and fatherhood. As such, the purpose of this study is to explore the challenges at-home fathers face when gender becomes a frame for evaluating their abilities to parent. Drawing on interviews with men who are primary caregivers, the focus here is on how language situates and delegitimize men’s parenting practices. The findings suggest that gendered discourses constrain men’s ability to parent and create struggles for them as they interact with family, friends and their community. Additionally, these findings demonstrate the flaws in redefining masculinity to incorporate childcare and the implications this process has on existing gender inequalities.  相似文献   
128.
How does the European Union integrate new values into the text of its treaties? A growing body of literature indicates that, in the past three decades, new norms and values have entered the EU's discourse, resulting in what is usually termed ‘normative power Europe’. Yet the research and knowledge to‐date about the EU's discursive assimilation of new values and norms is surprisingly poor. As any institutional change, such integration has the potential to undermine the coherence of the EU's identity and thus also its objective to ‘speak with one voice’. This article explores the EU's discursive management of the continuity‐versus‐change imperative by analysing the integration of new values into the text of its treaties. This issue is addressed based on a quantitative content analysis on the full texts of European founding treaties between the 1950s and 2009. Findings show that the distribution of the EU's values in the text is not uniform: while the language of market economy and democracy is pervasive, the values of peace, European identity, rights and social justice are mentioned less frequently and in restricted linguistic environments. To account for the differences in the integration of values into the EU's treaty discourse, the article develops the notion of a discursive mechanism of differentiated value integration (MDVI). This rationale echoes the logic of differentiation in policy implementation employed by the EU. It is claimed here that, applied in the European discursive arena, MDVI allows radically different readings of the same text. This helps the EU to maintain a coherent value identity while at the same time enabling change.  相似文献   
129.
This opening article presents rationales for the Special Section which analyses South Korea's debates and discourses on crucial issues related to East Asian regional politics. The article opens with a consideration of why attention is drawn to South Korea and particularly to its discourses. Expanding upon constructivist theoretical insights, this article shows how they matter in foreign policy-making and state behaviour. In addition, the article clarifies the scope of analysis of this Special Section. While recognising that many different actors and issues shape the regional order in East Asia to varying degrees, we hold that the most direct impact on changes and/or continuity in that order comes from state actors in the realm of security (or the security–economy nexus). The article ends on a cautiously optimistic note: although the perspectives and discourses analysed in this Special Section are not exhaustive, the analysis can serve as a useful reference point for discussion that seeks to advance our understandings of how South Korea is likely to behave toward its neighbours and what the future of the East Asian regional order will look like.  相似文献   
130.
This article analyses the margin of manoeuvre of Portuguese executives after the onset of the sovereign debt crisis in 2010–2015. To obtain a full understanding of what happened behind the closed doors of international meetings, different types of data are triangulated: face‐to‐face interviews; investigations by journalists; and International Monetary Fund and European Union official documents. The findings are compared to the public discourse of Prime Ministers José Sócrates and Pedro Passos‐Coelho. It is shown that while the sovereign debt crisis and the bail‐out limited the executive's autonomy, they also made them stronger in relation to other domestic actors. The perceived need for ‘credibility’ in order to avoid a ‘negative’ reaction from the markets – later associated with the conditions of the bail‐out – concurrently gave the executives a legitimate justification to concentrate power in their hands and a strong argument to counter the opponents of their proposed reforms. Consequently, when Portuguese ministers favoured policies that were in congruence with those supported by international actors, they were able to use the crisis to advance their own agenda. Disagreement with Troika representatives implied the start of a negotiation process between the ministers and international lenders, the final outcome of which depended on the actors’ bargaining powers. These strategies, it is argued, constitute a tactic of depoliticisation in which both the material constraints and the discourse used to frame them are employed to construct imperatives around a narrow selection of policy alternatives.  相似文献   
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