少数民族地区农村富余劳动力就业现状分析与思考

劳务输出,已逐步成为少数民族地区农村农民家庭经济收入的重要组成部分,成为一条促进农民增收的快捷途径。少数民族地区农村在富余劳动力就业上存在着“三多三少”的情况,通过加强政府对劳动力输出的引导和组织;加强对劳动力输出的宣传,创造优良环境,加大扶持力度;健全信息网络,健全劳动力就业服务体系;强化农村劳动力技能学习培训等措施,以推动少数民族地区农村富余劳动力转移工作的开展。     

两种分配方式相结合的经济运行

市场化的按劳分配具有四个鲜明特点:劳动计量市场化、分配主体企业化、工资形成市场化、政府对工资的调控宏观化。按生产要素分配必须首先把不同生产要素的不同使用价值抛开,使它们在质上等同,而利率机制在企业调节并实现剩余价值分配中发挥着重要作用。两种分配方式相结合需要有相应的配套工程。     

论我国劳动争议处理机制之完善

我国现行劳动争议处理机制是强制性的多轨制,这一机制尚存在诸多弊端:费时耗力,有悖于程序正义和效益的原则;缺乏对仲裁裁决的监督,仲裁程序的职能弱化;仲裁和审判之间缺乏协调,重复审理,浪费审判资源。因此,应借鉴市场经济发达国家的成功经验,完善我国劳动争议处理机制,加强工会的作用,突出调解职能,使劳动争议仲裁与民事仲裁衔接,并建立劳动公益诉讼制度。     

农民工实现身份转变对策研究——以桂林地区为例

农村劳动办转移已经进入一个新的历史阶段,实现农民工的身份转变,已成为加速实现城镇化、工业化、农业产业化以及全面推进我国社会主义新农村和全面小康社会建设的重要课题和当务之急。     

论“附保护第三人作用的契约”

自德国产生“附保护第三人作用的契约”以来,其在德国的判例与学说中不断发展、繁荣。我国现也有不少学者在对其加以研究。其中最困难之处在于如何解释“附保护第三人作用的契约”与“债权相对性”之矛盾。笔者从契约效力根源的角度提出“系统契约论”,解释了“附保护第三人作用的契约”之理论根基,认为我国应引进此制度,并将其继续应用到“附保护第三人作用的契约”的构成要件、法律效果、与侵权法之边界等问题,也附带地以“系统契约论”解释了契约法上之其他问题。     

论劳动的分离及其现实意义

随着生产力的发展,劳动形态发生了三次较大的历史性分离。分离的结果,是劳动形态的多元化。多元化的劳动归源于人类的活劳动,活劳动是价值创造的终极来源。这对于坚持和发展劳动价值论具有十分重要的现实意义。     

职业军人劳动的特殊性及其成本补偿

职业军人是指以军事劳动为职业的人,他们和从事其他职业的人一样,劳动仍是谋生的手段.但他们的劳动具有特殊性职业军人的劳动投入不同于一般生产要素的投入,他们的劳动提供特殊的产品和服务;社会对职业军人的劳动尚有认识误区,应当澄清;建议对军人的特殊劳动成本给予适当补偿.     

Back to the factory: the continuing salience of industrial workplace history

ABSTRACT

Factories remain significant sites of employment, crucial to capitalism. In the twentieth century, scholars registered achievements in documenting their history, but since the late 1980s, and for a generation, the field lost impetus within labour history although insights continued to accumulate through work in adjacent disciplines. The factory has not featured on the agenda of ‘transnational’ and ‘global’ labour history, but we suggest that it can and should contribute to that broader global project, reinvigorating labour history, not least by contributing a dimension close to workers’ everyday experience.     

Secondary Precarity in Asia: Family Vulnerability in an Age of Unfree Labour

ABSTRACT

Scholarly discussions of precarious work have identified and analysed the conditions and structures that produce precarity, the contextual nuances that characterise worker relations across a range of sites and sectors and the possibilities of resistance by the precariat. In these studies, workers are often discussed with inadequate attention to their social embeddedness. Taking workers’ embeddedness in social relations and norms as a starting point for analysis, this article explores a secondary aspect of precarity amongst families of exploited workers. This aspect is analysed according to three registers of vulnerability and risk: economic (household and livelihood), intimate (anxiety and negative emotional relations) and physical (mobility and movement). The article outlines this framework through a case study of trafficked fishers and their families from Cambodia and the Philippines. Human trafficking is an extreme form of precarious labour, characterised by unfreedom and hyper-exploitation. The article contributes to the understanding of the trafficking of migrant fishers, which has not seen rigorous academic documentation and is relatively poorly understood in comparison to other forms of trafficking.     

Precarity,Cognitive (Non-)Resistance and the Conservative Working Class in China

ABSTRACT

Workers’ resistance is crucial to understanding how the working class respond to the growing labour precarity in post-socialist China. The labour studies literature posits that inequality and volatile capital movements increase workers’ precarity and lead to stronger labour resistance, such as strikes. However, workers’ cognition as an integral part of resistance has been rarely studied. This article examines cognitive resistance by Chinese workers from different tier cities by looking at their social trust, class identity, understanding of policies and class solidarity. Despite capital movements and precarity causing more labour unrest, it does not necessarily lead to a stronger cognitive resistance. While inequality and precarity are greater in the more developed megacities with a shifting capital favourability, workers in megacities display a more conservative cognitive resistance than those from the lower-tier cities. This study of workers’ cognitive resistance provides insight into the future of the Chinese labour movement. It argues that the working class’s current cognitive non-resistance suggests that even if a window of opportunity were to appear in the wall of state oppression, workers are not cognitively prepared to coalesce into a coherent social movement that would bring about transformative changes.