首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   6466篇
  免费   211篇
各国政治   13篇
工人农民   90篇
世界政治   15篇
外交国际关系   31篇
法律   3197篇
中国共产党   114篇
中国政治   690篇
政治理论   127篇
综合类   2400篇
  2024年   1篇
  2023年   10篇
  2022年   41篇
  2021年   63篇
  2020年   100篇
  2019年   44篇
  2018年   47篇
  2017年   47篇
  2016年   53篇
  2015年   69篇
  2014年   332篇
  2013年   338篇
  2012年   496篇
  2011年   473篇
  2010年   438篇
  2009年   456篇
  2008年   536篇
  2007年   571篇
  2006年   587篇
  2005年   559篇
  2004年   508篇
  2003年   319篇
  2002年   248篇
  2001年   172篇
  2000年   113篇
  1999年   40篇
  1998年   6篇
  1997年   4篇
  1995年   5篇
  1983年   1篇
排序方式: 共有6677条查询结果,搜索用时 250 毫秒
261.
交通肇事罪已成为一种高发犯罪,其行为本身造成的人身财产损失已令人痛心,而逃逸行为更是为良知和法律所不能容忍。从逃逸行为被纳入刑法的调整范围到最高人民法院司法解释的逐渐细化,逃逸问题凸显其重要性。然而,由于立法技术的问题,司法解释规定逃逸的相关条款在实践应用中问题频出。所以,很有必要还原逃逸行为本来之面目,对逃逸行为进行细致研究和重新厘清。  相似文献   
262.
民间对日索赔与中国实施外交保护的可行性   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
基于人权的推动,传统外交保护的国家自由裁量特征开始发生转变。这既是义务限定,也是权利工具。至于民间对日索赔,中国政府无论是在法理基础上,还是在政治基础上,都具备了实施外交保护的可行性。  相似文献   
263.
财政分权是财税体制的关键.随着经济发展,我国分税制财政体制的问题逐渐凸现.这与我国非制度化的中央集权,"职责同构"的行政体制密切相关.财政体制改革应当从创新行政管理体制,实现中央和地方关系的法治化、制度化两方面着手.  相似文献   
264.
在民法之外,重新构建一个仅适用于刑法中财产犯罪法益保护的判断标准,既无必要也不现实。财产犯罪法益保护扩张的主要目的是为了入罪,不论是“利益的法益化”还是“管理的占有化”,都是以保护法益之名行扩张犯罪圈之实。犯罪圈的不当扩张,不仅会有损整体法秩序,还会弱化乃至消解法益甄别法与不法的机能。部门法之间的紧张关系在任何法律体系下都是无可避免的,民法典编纂为解决“刑民倒挂”问题以及增加法秩序统一性原理在刑民之间的衔接度提供了重要契机。为此,应重新梳理刑民之间围绕财产、占有、管理等方面的争议问题,将民法所确定的财产法益内容作为财产犯罪法益保护的基本依据,并允许刑法根据财产犯罪的特点对法益保护范围作出适当调整。这样做的目的不是通过民法给刑法套上枷锁,而是在遵循法秩序统一性原理的基础上达成应有的刑民共识。  相似文献   
265.
我国已建立多层次保障职业健康和防治职业病的规制体系,其具体进路主要表现为劳动者权益保护日益增强、用人单位责任进一步强化、便捷高效原则更加突出、职业病防治监管主体多次转变。四条进路之间呈现既相互联系又相互区别的辩证统一关系,表明我国职业病防治重点解决职业病诊断、鉴定及追责之困境,已将劳动者权益置于首位,摆脱了法律工具禁锢,而转向权益保障的价值目标。展望未来,尚可从匹配职业病诊断和鉴定机构的管辖级别、设立职业病鉴定中的听证程序、持续推行高效便民原则及实现对职业卫生监管直接责任人员的监察整合等方面进一步优化。  相似文献   
266.
The paper addresses an ingenious way by which Chinese netizens manage to reach their intended audiences under the radar of censors surveying the Internet in China. One specifically Chinese social use of language in this respect is the option to express criticism by using inoffensive characters that share the same or similar pronunciation with politically sensitive phrasing. We identify this type of expression as homophone phrase substitution (HPS). The device has been part of Chinese since ancient times under the name political metaphor. We address the main constraints at work in HPS, especially the role of voice (prosodic contour) that guides the construction of two divergent kinds of aboutness. Leaving aside its critical function in contemporary society, by contrasting HPS with verbal irony, metaphor, and Australian rhyming slang, and by drawing on semiologie and semiotics, indirect speech acts and implicit deixis, we suggest that this linguistic option throws new light on the semantic/pragmatic distinction.  相似文献   
267.
How are global human rights localised in authoritarian societies? How and what human rights discourses are mobilised by indigenous peoples to further their demands? Building upon original fieldwork among Nubian activists in Egypt, this article explores the complexities regarding human rights framing through a discussion of recognition of Nubian indigeneity. The article finds that the history and political experience of Egypt’s Nubians bring about diverging opinions and also limitations as to how, and what, human rights frameworks rights claimants and their supporters are to employ. It argues that Egyptian nationalism not only affects how Nubian activists mobilise in general, but also helps explain the very limited appeals to a global discourse of human rights.  相似文献   
268.
The plural legal system in post-conflict Liberia expresses tensions between modern and customary institutions. This article seeks to understand how Liberians navigate choices in the plural legal system to address gender-based violence cases. By asking how and why people make the choices they do, we highlight how Liberians solve tensions between institutions, by creating flexible categories that allow them to pursue a course of action that does not compromise their ability to access social networks and resources.  相似文献   
269.
Media coverage of Supreme Court decisions is not well-understood, with studies typically focusing on features of decisions such as issue area and opinion authorship, and ignoring the political and legal importance of those decisions. Because the Court is both secretive and esoteric, and because it does not engage in traditional public relations activities, media must proxy importance by looking to available cues, such as interest group participation. Importantly, some indicators of importance are available before a decision is rendered; thus I examine both pre- and post-decision media coverage of cases. I show that expected legal and political impact drive media coverage of Court decisions, and that the decision-level features that prior studies have focused on are much less important in determining coverage than has been previously thought.  相似文献   
270.
The purpose of this essay is to introduce the work of the Commission on Legal Empowerment of the Poor (CLEP) to the broader academic community interested in the challenge of eradicating rural poverty and promoting the structural and institutional changes which underpin such a challenge. While rural development research in the past has included work on several components of the legal empowerment of the poor (LEP) agenda such as property and labour rights, much less attention has been given to the other two pillars of the framework – access to justice and rule of law and business rights – which together constitute the four pillars of LEP. However the real difference and value added is the power of the systemic interaction among the pillars and the empowerment approach to change. In this approach, change is initiated bottom up with legal identity, organisations, information, and voice of the poor. In other words an active citizenry, complemented by a democratic and effective state. None of this happens naturally as vested interests and skewed power and asset relationships are bound to get in the way of change to greater equity. Such change is only likely to come through iterative contestations between organisations of the poor, the middle class, and the state. This approach is not presented as a panacea but one which will hopefully complement and accelerate what is already working.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号