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981.
Recent cases of partisan-motivated prorogations of parliaments at the federal and provincial levels in Canada have focused attention on this phenomenon. While such prorogations are uncommon in the mature Westminster-style parliaments, the Canadian cases are not unique. Systematic study of partisan-motivated prorogations in the Australian states has illuminated the factors commonly associated with such cases. This paper outlines the results of this literature and then tests whether the Canadian cases fit the pattern. It shows that, on balance, these factors do apply. The paper thus concludes that, while partisan-motivated prorogations may not be predictable, it is possible to identify circumstances in which there is a substantially greater risk of their occurrence.  相似文献   
982.
When Members of Parliament (MPs) disagree publicly with their party, this provides a signal to voters regarding both their political views and their character valence. We argue that the strength of this signal to voters depends on the personal career costs an MP incurs by dissenting. The greater the perceived costs of dissent to the MP, the more positively voters should react to dissent. In line with this theory, we use a series of conjoint analysis experiments in Britain, Germany, and Austria to show that: (1) dissent has a more positive effect on voter evaluations in systems where the costs of dissent are higher, and (2) more costly types of dissent have a greater impact on voter evaluations. These findings have important implications for understanding how voter evaluations of MPs depend on beliefs about parliamentary systems and how parliamentary institutions condition the link between voters and MPs.  相似文献   
983.
行政侵权与一般民事侵权是两种不同的侵权,行政侵权责任是在公法领域中发生的私法责任。法院在审判实践中处理行政侵权案件时,应当优先适用国家赔偿法的有关规定;国家赔偿法无规定时则适用一般法,也就是适用侵权责任法的规定。民事法律规范在行政赔偿问题上的继续适用有内在的合理性;侵权责任法草案对行政侵权责任做出原则性的规定,符合我国的立法传统。因此,将来的侵权责任法规定行政侵权责任是必要的,也是可行的。  相似文献   
984.
This article explores the apparent paradox that our society invests heavily in policy analysis when empirical studies, political science theory, and common wisdom all suggest that analysis is not used by policymakers to make better policy decisions. It offers a critique of the traditional view of policy analysis and presents an alternative view derived from contemporary literature on the policy process and decisionmaking. The alternative view suggests that there are legitimate uses for analysis other than the problem‐solving use originally envisioned but apparently rarely attained. The two views imply different patterns of use of analysis by legislative committees—a contrast that I subject to an empirical test. An examination of quantitative data on policy analysis use by congressional committees from 1985 to 1994 lends support for the alternative view. The research has two implications. First, despite its scientific origins, policy analysis may be a more effective instrument of the democratic process than of the problem‐solving process. Second, the profession of policy analysis may be in better shape than many who are calling for fundamental changes to its practice seem to believe. © 1999 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.  相似文献   
985.
樊荣 《时代法学》2005,3(2):65-69
改造完善行政诉讼缺席判决制度必须解决的三个基本理论问题:行政诉讼缺席判决制度的目的、功能和司法理想。缺席判决制度的设立目的是为人民法院在缺席行政案件审理中运用审判权提供程序保障,维护法律尤其是司法的尊严;缺席判决制度的功能应当是控制缺席情形的发生,保障诉讼当事人的合法权利,保证司法审查权通过诉讼程序得到实现;理想的缺席判决制度应当是能为当事人所理解的具有正当性和高效性的制度。  相似文献   
986.
The practice of dual mandate‐holding, i.e. the simultaneous occupation of a political mandate at the (sub)national and the local level, is understudied in the comparative literature. Dual mandate‐holders embody the most direct link between local and central government, yet research has disregarded whether these actors actually feel and act as local ambassadors in parliament. In this article, we study whether councillors in parliament feel responsive for local grievances in terms of their respective role attitudes and behaviour, using the PARTIREP Comparative MP Survey. The estimated regression models demonstrate that dual mandate‐holders indeed perceive themselves as local brokers, even when controlling for various systemic‐, party‐ and individual‐level factors. On the other hand, they struggle to translate their localized attitudes into localized parliamentary behaviour, which could call one of the main arguments in favour of dual mandate‐holding into question.  相似文献   
987.
魏盛礼 《河北法学》2006,24(11):119-124
既有的关于诉讼时效法律效力立法模式中的诉权消灭、胜诉权消灭和不完全的实体权利消灭主义,存在理论上不可克服的内在逻辑矛盾.抗辩权产生主义的立法模式在法律逻辑上可行,但难以充分发挥诉讼时效的债权信用保障功能,与诉讼时效的理论基础不完全吻合,仍然可能对交易安全构成伤害.我国关于诉讼时效法律效力的民事立法,应当抛弃所有既存模式,以完全的实体权利消灭主义作为选择.在实行完全的实体权利消灭主义同时,可适度延长诉讼时效期间,借助于债法的不当得利和撤销权制度,弥补完全的实体权利消灭主义立法模式可能带来的不公平.  相似文献   
988.
人性化立法与立法语言的优化   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
人性化立法涉及立法工作中的民本思想。自改革开放以来,我国社会主义法制逐步完善,但立法中存在一些缺陷:1.重义务规定而忽视权利规定;2.重实体内容而轻视立法表达技术;3.立法表达不够完整;4.立法表述中的语病。如何做到人性化立法与立法语言优化?1.要以人为本,树立人性化立法的理念;2.要克服重实体内容、轻视立法表达技术的思维倾向;3.要重视对立法语言的研究;4.立法过程中要多听取法学家和语言学家的意见。  相似文献   
989.
本文明确了依法行政在依法治国中的重要地位。从立法现状、行政干预、执法主体和执法监督等方面分析了依法行政在现阶段面临的制约因素和障碍,建议通过加强立法宣传、完善立法体系和立法监督机制、强化执法监督、提高执法人员素质等措施以更好地推进依法行政。  相似文献   
990.
我国行政诉讼法的立法宗旨应该是人民法院、行政相对人与行政主体三者参加行政诉讼的目的之和,然而行政主体参加诉讼是被动的,再加上行政行为的效力先定性及"行政行为不停止执行原则"的存在,使得行政诉讼的胜诉对行政主体来讲并无多大实质性意义.所以,"监督行政机关依法行使职权"而不是"维护和监督行政机关依法行使职权",才是我国行政诉讼法的立法宗旨之一.考察行政诉讼法的立法宗旨不能从行政诉讼判决的形式去考察,而应考察行政诉讼的理论基础、最根本目的、行政行为的效力及我国行政诉讼制度所面临的加入WTO这样的新的历史环境.只有对这些因素进行综合权衡的基础上,我们才能得出正确的结论.  相似文献   
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