论工会组织参与民事诉讼的理论支点与制度构建

现代诉讼理论早已抛弃严格的实体当事人概念，认为诉权和实体权利可以分离，这为工会组织基于职工利益参与民事诉讼奠定了理论基础。工会组织对自体权益受损以及职工的集体利益受损的案件具有诉讼利益，可以作为民事诉讼程序的当事人。对于职工个体利益受损的诉讼，工会组织则不具有诉讼利益，而应该以诉讼协助者的身份出现。在我国，由于工会自治性欠缺等原因，工会组织很少参与民事诉讼。解决这一问题的关键在于采取措施加强工会建设，提高工会组织的维权能力。     

Peace-building and business elites in Guatemala and El Salvador: explaining the discursive ‘institutional turn’

ABSTRACT

The local business elites of El Salvador were generally in favour of the peace agreement and supported its negotiation and implementation in 1992, while in Guatemala the private sector reluctantly supported the peace process and, after the peace agreements were signed in 1996, the private sector sought to obstruct parts of its implementation. In the aftermath of the peace accords, business elites united around an ideology espousing a minimal state and a focus on market solutions to social problems. Although welcoming the security-related measures in the peace accords, business elites have often obstructed transformations towards more inclusive and democratic societies. However, in recent years there has been a change in discourse among influential business associations towards recognition of the need for strong state institutions and the need for institutionalised mechanisms for dialogue to find solutions to social problems. In this article, we seek to shed light on the significance of this discursive turn for continued peace-building.     

改革开放以来的中国公共行政学

改革开放以后,中国公共行政学得以恢复与重建,并逐渐确立了其应有的学科地位,从而获得了更大的发展空间,取得了辉煌的成就:高等院校公共行政学科学院化,建立了完整的专业教育体系,专业性学术组织蓬勃发展,创办了一批专业学术期刊,积极开展国际学术交流;研究领域不断拓展,研究范式不断转换,研究方法不断改进,话语体系不断构建等。公共行政学的发展在推动我国行政体制改革、构建服务型政府、转变政府职能、培育公共精神、提升政府治理能力等方面都起到了重要作用,但在没有形成完备的本土化理论体系、研究方法的结构性失衡、公共行政的合法性危机等方面,仍面临较大的挑战。不过,全面深化改革的进一步推进、国家治理体系与治理能力现代化水平的逐步提高、互联网与大数据技术的广泛应用,也为公共行政学的发展创造了巨大的发展机遇。未来中国公共行政学的发展要立足现实,及时回应和满足社会变革的需要,创新公共行政学的研究范式与方法,构建具有中国特色的公共行政学话语体系和本土化的公共行政学理论。     

“不依法给付行为＂之判决适用研究——基于《行政诉讼法》第11条第1款第6项的展开

我国《行政诉讼法》第11条第l款第6项是行政给付进入诉讼救济的规范基础，但是因其就给付形态的规定过于模糊，导致当事人救济中获得的判决形式不明。将“不依法给付行为”作动态解释，它可以分为“消极不依法之不给付、少给付行为”、“积极不依法之不给付、少给付行为”以及“不依法之完全给付行为”，相应地分别对应履行判决、撤销判决和确认判决。     

On The Trial-centered New Relationship between Prosecutors and Lawyers

The relationship between prosecutors and lawyers is not only an important part of the center of the judicial system, but also the visual expression of modern criminal structures. The Eighth Session of the Fourth Plenary proposed reform to the trial as the center of litigation system, to provide a policy basis on which to build a new relationship between prosecutors and lawyers. In prosecution of criminal proceedings the body performs an important function in the “trial centered” litigation model, how to build the suitable relationships between the prosecutors and lawyers is of great significance for the target to be completed in Litigation Reform.     

个人生物识别信息民事权利诉讼救济问题研究

我国《民法典(草案)》将"生物识别信息"列入"隐私权和个人信息保护"的范围。目前,在外国以保护隐私权思路保护个人生物识别信息的民事诉讼实践中所遇到的困难主要包括:"类主体"与"类事由"化问题;侵权行为的"程序性违法"问题;传统"案件—诉讼—损害"的民事法理逻辑对损害赔偿的限定等问题。充分完善"类诉讼"制度;解决新兴权利的法律赋权问题;确定"程序性违法"的"损害"认定标准以及完善举证责任制度,是保证个人生物识别信息民事权利诉讼救济充分实现的制度优化措施。     

保障当事人诉讼权利的基本课题

在司法文明指数报告中,考察当事人诉讼权利的基本思路,包括设计二级指标和测试题目两方面内容。通过分析指数报告,可以发现当事人诉讼权利的保障情况总体不佳。保障当事人诉讼权利,应当强调发挥法院的作用;而未来改革的基本课题,包括如何防止权力主体滥用自由裁量权,以及如何为权力主体依法行使职权提供必要的外部保障。     

论我国刑事诉讼中被追诉人的测谎权

山木集团前总裁宋山木强奸案向我们提出了被追诉人有无权利要求测谎的问题。只要在刑事诉讼中允许使用测谎技术,无论是允许其作为证据使用还是仅仅将其作为审查判断证据的手段,被追诉人单方面向法院申请测谎,实质上均是一种试图向法院澄清事实真相的诉讼证明行为。被追诉人的测谎权是一种相对权,而非绝对权。鉴于我国目前的现实情况,测谎只能作为审查判断言词证据的方法,尚不能作为独立的证据适用,因此法院是否批准被追诉人的测谎申请,应以有测谎之必要为前提。     

谨防诉讼调解过度化

鉴于诉讼调解在彻底解决纠纷、实现案结事了方面确实具有判决难以比拟的优势,诉讼调解在司法政策上得到支持,在司法实践中受到欢迎,具有足够的正当性与合理性。但是,我国原有制度已经为法官优先选择调解提供了充分的激励,在此基础上再大力强调调解,采取多种措施激励法官调解,有可能会造成诉讼调解过度化乃至强制化的局面。这种局面不但会损害当事人的合法权益,影响司法权威,阻碍我国的法制建设,也不利于审判效率的提高。因此,必须谨防诉讼调解过度化现象的产生。     

The political importance of labelling: terrorism and Turkey's discourse on the PKK

Labelling the ‘other’ is one of the most relevant aspects in an armed conflict context. Summarising what the opponent is in one single expression is a strong rhetorical tool in any belligerent discourse. The use of the ‘terrorist’ label assumes a particularly powerful role in such a construction. Employing Ole Wæver's layered discursive structure, this article aims to study the discursive practices and political consequences associated with the use of such labels. The political implications of using the ‘terrorist’ label in regards to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in Turkish politics will be analysed as an illustrative case study. The period under analysis extends from April 2007 to January 2008, corresponding to the escalation of a security discourse that led to the (brief) Turkish military incursion in northern Iraq in the winter of 2007–2008. The political exposure and intense usage of the ‘terrorist’ label in this period makes it particularly ripe for understanding the political discursive context that shapes Turkey's policies towards this protracted conflict. The focus on this period also sheds light on the political reasons underlying the intractability of this conflict.