首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   1328篇
  免费   44篇
各国政治   63篇
工人农民   18篇
世界政治   295篇
外交国际关系   43篇
法律   219篇
中国共产党   53篇
中国政治   153篇
政治理论   268篇
综合类   260篇
  2024年   1篇
  2023年   7篇
  2022年   4篇
  2021年   20篇
  2020年   54篇
  2019年   43篇
  2018年   41篇
  2017年   58篇
  2016年   70篇
  2015年   27篇
  2014年   72篇
  2013年   275篇
  2012年   85篇
  2011年   90篇
  2010年   76篇
  2009年   59篇
  2008年   67篇
  2007年   73篇
  2006年   60篇
  2005年   42篇
  2004年   60篇
  2003年   29篇
  2002年   24篇
  2001年   16篇
  2000年   9篇
  1999年   5篇
  1998年   3篇
  1997年   2篇
排序方式: 共有1372条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
ABSTRACT

Advice that is provided exclusively over the telephone has been promoted by government as more convenient and accessible than face-to-face appointments. The resulting push towards telephone-only provision, as implemented by the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act 2012, challenges the long history of association between social welfare law advice and local delivery within disadvantaged communities. This article reports on qualitative research comparing telephone and face-to-face advice which uncovers the continuing relevance of place in the dynamics and mechanics of social welfare law provision. Familiarity with the geographical location, knowledge of local policies and procedures, relationships with opponents and allies, and an understanding of the ‘local legal culture’ mean that face-to-face advisers are often able to conduct their legal casework more effectively. Conversely, local knowledge is unlikely to be available to Community Legal Advice telephone advisers. This research suggests that, in addition, telephone-only advisers may be developing a more narrow understanding of the essential qualities of casework. These findings are particularly significant in view of the likely future expansion of remote methods of delivery in legal aid work.  相似文献   
32.
Abstract

This article examines how the decentralisation and fragmentation of the Indonesian state and resultant central–local dynamics affect cross-border regionalism in Indonesia’s periphery. It argues that cross-border regionalism projects are best understood as sites for scalar contestation over regulatory control between central and local government. Moreover, scalar contestation around cross-border regional projects is characterised by the struggles to control relationships with transnational capital between elites operating at different tiers of the state. When elites at different scales have conflicting interests and strategies, this can cause policy incoherence, inhibiting the development of cross-border regionalism. Conversely, when they align, and intersect with the interests of transnational business, cross-border regionalism can succeed. To illustrate the argument, this article utilises the comparative case studies of the Batam free trade zone and West Kalimantan–Sarawak cross-border cooperation.  相似文献   
33.
自20世纪80年代中期至今,杜芳琴先生在中国古代妇女/性别史、妇女学理论的本土探索与学科建设等领域进行了广泛深入的研究,取得了丰硕成果。考察杜芳琴先生的学术贡献,不仅可以窥见中国女性学者从事学术研究的艰辛、执着与收获,也可窥探中国大陆妇女/性别史研究发展的历程,对于总结妇女/性别史研究中的利弊得失、展望妇女/性别史研究的未来也不无裨益。  相似文献   
34.
一个国家民主化的宏观策略体现了该国民主化的根本方向与核心原则。中国民主化的宏观策略是一种可管理导向的积极民主化策略,这种策略给中国地方治理中的政府与社会协商实践造成了种种主客观困境,使得地方政府不能很好地举办协商活动,社会力量也不能有效地参与。为走出困境,就必须在坚持审慎而务实策略的同时,不断克服怀疑主义,建立和健全保证协商有效性的管理机制。  相似文献   
35.
利用2000-2009年各省的面板数据对地方政府高等教育投入努力程度进行实证分析,结果表明地方政府间高校经费投入的努力程度存在显著差异,地方的财政分权以及政府竞争对地方政府高等教育努力程度具有负效应。在引入交互项之后,发现财政分权和政府竞争对东部地区的负效应最大,东部地区高等教育投入努力程度最低。在解决地区间高校经费投入不均衡问题时,要完善激励机制,提升发达地区地方政府高等教育投入的努力程度。同时,加大转移支付力度,平衡地区间高等教育经费投入的差异。  相似文献   
36.
Both principal Turkish political parties make extensive use of patron–client networks, but in very different ways. The CHP relies on competing local brokers and synchronous vote buying. The AKP is at the centre of a network of public and private funding turning social policy to clientelist ends. Socially anchored AKP activists link the party to voters, allowing it to target social assistance for political advantage and take credit for improvement in local conditions. The case presented in this paper provides a natural experiment suggesting that this distinction is an important explanation for the AKP’s electoral success in low-income urban areas.  相似文献   
37.
王世涛 《财经法学》2021,(1):86-100
地方政府债务风险的处理应当遵循宪法逻辑,即政府与公民是一种信托关系,只要公民权利的需求仍在,政府就没有破产的理由。因此,地方政府破产只是财政破产但行政不破产。在地方政府破产重整程序中,地方政府提供的保障民生的基本公共服务优先于地方债的债权,因为前者保护的是大多数人的基本生存权。诉诸民主体制才能从源头上控制政府的发债权进...  相似文献   
38.
亚洲债券基金的推出背景、影响及发展方向   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
以银行信贷为主的金融体系使东亚地区面临两大问题,即巨大的金融风险和盈余资金利用效率低下,这也是亚洲金融危机中有关各方脆弱表现的直接原因。为了解决这两个问题或缓解其造成的危害,东亚各国(地区)纷纷提出方案,亚洲债券基金(ABF)作为一个阶段性成果,目前已经推出两期,分别为ABF1和ABF2。虽然亚洲债券基金在推动亚洲债券市场发展方面有一定的积极影响,但是其局限性也很明显,未来的发展方向主要是投资对象和投资主体的多元化。  相似文献   
39.
International research collaboration (IRC) is associated with both positive and negative effects on the performance of research in emerging economies. While some authors claim that North–South collaborations improve scientific quality and visibility for Southern countries, others claim that it may entail the reorientation of research to comply with Northern agendas. South–South collaborations are thought to increase the focus on local affairs, therefore leading to a relatively small number of scientific international publications appearing in “high quality” journals. Research on the impact of IRC beyond publications in international journals has been neglected despite the importance of other products in knowledge creation. This research uses a broad range of scientific outputs to empirically assess such assumptions and explore the outcomes of IRC in Colombia. Results from multivariate regressions and nonparametric analyses show that, contrary to common assumptions, Colombian research teams collaborating with partners from the global South report higher scientific production, while those collaborating with Northern countries seem to contribute to local knowledge the most.  相似文献   
40.
Through a case study of Ghana, this article focuses on the relationship between decentralisation and local democracy. The Ghanaian constitution emphasises decentralisation as the key means to ‘making democracy a reality’, reflecting the view common amongst international development agencies that decentralisation enhances local democracy and leads to more responsive government. This article questions such views and investigates whether decentralisation in Ghana has led to increased political participation at the local level and to downwardly accountable local government. Empirical findings are two-fold. On the one hand, relatively high levels of participation in local democratic processes are indicated. On the other, accountability mechanisms have not been strengthened, with a number of limitations and shortcomings identified at local level that undermine citizens’ attempts to hold local government and their elected representatives to account. Yet, in seeking to explain this delinkage between participation and accountability, such local issues do not provide a full explanation. Attention is thus refocused on the national context, where structural obstacles to devolved government are identified in the form of legal, political, administrative and fiscal constraints. Such obstacles are not easily overcome, however, due to the politics of decentralisation, notably central government's reluctance to relinquish control over its powers. Recent proposals for reform in Ghana's decentralisation system are considered, but political change is unlikely given the built-in advantages to the ruling party, whichever is in power. Without such reforms, though, local democracy is likely to remain more appearance than reality.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号